A statement of some of the principal events in the public life of Agustín de Iturbide

GIFT or

MICHAEL REESE

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' A / / ^

A

'Pl^

STATE M E N T .

OF SOME OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS IN THE

PUBLIC LIFE OF

AGUSTIN DE ITURBIDE,

WRITTEN BY HIMSELF.

WITH

A PREFACE BY THE TRANSLATOR, AND AN
APPENDIX OF DOCUMENTS.

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LONDON :

JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.

MDCCCXXIV.

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HBSSE

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LONDON:

Printed by William Clowes,

Northnmberland-court.

PREFACE.

The work^f which the following '* Statement" is a trans-
lation, was written by General de Iturbide while he was
in Italy, and was framed as a manifesto addressed to
the Mexicans. His chief object was to explain the
motives by which his career was guided, from the hour
when he proclaimed the independence of his country,
until he resigned the throne to which the spontaneous
voice of that country had raised him. Speaking to Mex-
icans he did not deem it necessary to his purpose to go
into any minute detail of facts with which they were ac-
quainted, or to comment upon the conduct of all the indi-
viduals who took a share in the revolution. He alludes
briefly to those events which immediately aided or opposed
his own proceedings, touches the leading characteristics
of those men who betrayed the confidence which he re-
posed in them, and justifies, with equal force of argu-
ment, his acceptance and his abdication of the Mexican

sceptre.

a 2

21 ^'■^OQ

'V PREFACE.

When he wrote this work, he believed that his political
career was closed. He had scarcely concluded it, how-
ever, when information reached him from various quar-
ters of the distracted state of that country from which
he was an exile. By descending from the throne he had
left the plan of Mexican independence abruptly unfi-
nished, and in the hands of men who did not understand
how to complete it. Seduced by the neighbouring ex-
ample of the United States, those men supposed, and
probably some of them were sincere in their opinions,
that a Federal Republic was that form of government
which would be most conducive to the union and pros-
perity of the different provinces of Mexico. But being
none of them individuals of much experience in political
affairs, or of any considerable acquaintance with the his-
tory of foreign countries, they conceived that in order to
found a government purely democratical, they had no
more to do than to pronounce the word, and decree a
constitution. They forgot that the Mexicans had been
little removed from the condition of negro slaves from the
period of their submission to Spain, until the year 1820,
and that neither history or tradition disclosed to them a
period when they had been governed only by law. All
their habits and associations were connected with servi-
tude on one side, and tyranny on the other. They
knew no medium, nor variation, except that in those par-

PREFACr.. V

tial explosions vvhicir took place within the last (it'teen
years, the slave sometimes became a tyrant, and the tyrant
a slave. To superficial statesmen it seemed enough to
alter the political idiom of the country, whereas it was
previously indispensable to change the sentiments, to root
out the prejudices and the ignorance of centuries. It is
easy to speak of reforms, and to enact them in the legis-
lature, but it is a very different thing to shape them to the
aptitudes of the community for which they are intended.
A republican form of government constitutes every
individual under it a public functionary; and unless it
be intended to deceive the people, and to throw the ac-
tual manascement of the state into the hands of a few
demagogues, every individual who has a political duty to
discharge, such for instance as that of contributing to
the election of a representative, or the imposition of a
tax, ought to be acquainted with his own attributes and
the relation which they bear to the general system. Un-
der the federal republic the elections would be frequent,
and it would require a large body of well-informed men,
in order to keep up a succession of effective representa-
tives. But where can be found in Mexico electors, or
candidates, of this description ? Education has been so
limited in that country, that few^ are to be met with, except
the clergy, who can either read or write. As to politics and
legislation, the study of them was not only useless, but

VI _ - PREFACE.

dangerous, to a Mexican under the Spanish rule. Now
and then, indeed, a few men of enlightened minds emerged
from the forests and recesses of the mountains, where
obscurity and solitude protected their studies. But what
are these in a republic of seven millions of people ?

*' After education," says an able Peruvian writer *,
** nothing determines so much as wealth the kind of go-
vernment which is fit for a community. When the
greater number of the inhabitants of a country can live
independently upon the produce of their capital, their
estates, or their industry, each individual possesses more
freedom of action, and is in less danger of renouncing
his rights through fear, or corruption. It is true, indeed,
that those who live in abundance may sometimes be as
liable to be corrupted as those who pine in misery ; but it
is not probable that all those who have a secure subsis-
tence would sell their votes in the assemblies of the
people ; would prostitute their characters in the bosom
of the national congress ; would basely seek for public
employments only to abuse them, or endeavour to excite
the people to insubordination. He who possesses a ca-
pital, of whatever sort it be, with which he can satisfy his
wants, is anxious only for the preservation of order,

* M. Monteagudo, who was lately minister for foreigri affairs in Peru.
The above passage is quoted from his *' Memoria sobre los principios
politicos que segui en la administracion del Peru," a little pamphlet
full of sound political and practical wisdom.

PREFACE.. VII

which is the principal agent of production ; the habit of
thinking upon what injures, or promotes, his interests,
suggests to him exact notions of the rights of property,
and though he be ignorant of the theory of all other rights,
he soon becomes practically acquainted with them from
reflection. Where such elements exist, it would not be
difficult to form a democracy."

It is scarcely necessary to observe that, though Mexico
is naturally the richest country perhaps in the world, yet
its circulating wealth is very limited, and even that does
not belong to the people. They possess as yet neither in-
dividual independence, education, or political spirit, and
a scheme of government must be wholly unsuited to their
genius, which depends upon the free and enlightened
exertions of the community, and in every department
of it stands in need of the powerful control of public
opinion.

What M. Monteagudo further observes of Peru is
equally applicable to Mexico. '* The diversity of condi-
tions, and the multitude of castes, the strong aversion
which they entertain towards each other, the diametrical
opposition of their character, the difference between
them in their ideas, their usages, their customs, and their
wants, and as to the means of satisfying them, present a
mass of antipathies and of hostile interests, which threaten
the subversion of all social order, unless a wise and

VIU PREFACE.

t

vigorous government restrain them by its influence. This
danger is now the more to be apprehended, since those
considerations and habits have been relaxed, vs^hich had
hitherto served to curb their mutual animosities : those
animosities w^ill become more active and destructive in
proportion as democratic notions' become more general ;
and the very persons who are now fomenting such ideas,
will perhaps be their first victims.

** In such a state of things, and without any other
criterion than that of which men long accustomed to
insult and outrage are susceptible, they naturally believe,
on hearing liberty and equality proclaimed, that obedi-
ence at once ceases to be a duty ; that respect for the
magistrates is a favour conferred upon the individuals,
and not a homage due to the authority which they exer-
cise; that all conditions are equal, not only before the
law, for this is a qualification which they do not compre-
hend, but also to the most absurd extent to which the
term equality can be supposed to apply, and that if those
chimerical rights are denied them, the time is arrived
when they are at liberty to assert them by the physical
strength of those arms which have been so long enured
to the fatigues of servitude. The necessary inference is,
that the relations which subsist between masters and
slaves, between classes which hate each other, and be-
tween men who form as many social subdivisions as there

PHEFACE. IX

are shades in their colour, are incompatible with the
idea of a democracy.'*

** Those who believe that it is possible to apply to
such a country the constitutional reforms of North Ame-
rica, either know not, or forget, the point from which
both countries have set out. There is not, nor can there
be, any analogy between provinces thinly peopled, very
remote from each other, and whose moral and physical
resources are of no value unless they are concentrated
under a beneficent system, and the United States, which
at the time of their emancipation, had already a more dense
and a more independent population, which were accus-
tomed to the exercise of legislative (though limited)
functions, and possessed a form of government which
traced out the ground-work of their present institutions."

Th6 consequences of endeavouring to force upon a
people ideas for which they were not prepared, and of
calling them to the exercise of duties which they did not
comprehend, were anarchy, and the immediate separation
of the greater number of those provinces which, under
Iturbide,had been united. He was not, however, diverted
from his pursuit of retirement by the information wl^ich
he received in Italy upon that subject, accompanied as it
was by the most pressing solicitations for his return to
Mexico. He had taken a house for his family in the vicinity
of Leghorn, but he was not long there before he had

X PREFACE.

. reason to believe that he became an object of jealousy
to the Holy Alliance. As soon as the constitution was
overthrown in Spain, the Allies bent their thoughts to
South America, and Iturbide received private intima-
tions which informed him that they were anxious to
place him in the hands of Ferdinand, either for the pur-
pose of avenging the leading part which he took in
achieving the independence of Mexico, or of rendering
him an instrument for the restoration of that country to
the Spanish yoke*. After visiting Florence, where he
had an interview with Lord Burgersh, he resolved to
proceed to England, where alone he could expect safety.
He left Leghorn on the 20th of November last in an
English merchant ship, but after being a few days at
sea he was compelled by adverse weather to put back to
the same port, and in the beginning of December he set
out for England by land. His departure was no sooner
known at the Tuscan court, than the French minister
sent his secretary after him, in order to procure his
detention. Iturbide, however, passed rapidly through

* These intimations have been since fully confirmed by Ferdinand's
act of amnesty, which, however, would be more properly designated an
act of proscription, so numerous are its exceptions. The 13th article
expressly excepts from pardon " those European Spaniards who took
a direct part, and efficaciously contributed in forming- the convention or
treaty of Cordova, which Don Juan O'Donoju, of hateful memory, signed
with Don Agustin Iturbide, who headed the insurgents in New Spain."

PREFACE. XI

Piedmont, and instead. of entering France he turned oft'
to Geneva, and from thence proceeded along the Rhine
to Ostend. He there embarked for this country, where
he arrived on the 31st of December.

The information, (from whatever quarter it pro-
ceeded,) which Iturbide received, was borne out by the
fact, that the Tuscan authorities would not permit the
work, of which the following ** Statement" is a trans-
lation, to be printed at Florence. But it was still
further strengthened by the conduct of the authorities at
Leghorn to Madame de Iturbide, after his departure.
It was arranged that she should join her husband in
England as soon as possible, but she was not able to
eff'ect her object without a great deal of difficulty, though
it is due to M. Chateaubriand to say, that when she and
her family reached Paris, he personally interested him-
self in order to facilitate her journey, feeling, perhaps,
that it would certainly be inhuman, and might be impo-
litic, to detain her.

This translation was finished before the end of
February, but a question then arose whether it ought
to be immediately published. Mexico became every day
more and more distracted, and it occurred to the sensi-
tive mind of General de Iturbide, that as this work, if
given to the world, would necessarily reach his country-
men, it might operate, or at least seem intended to operate,

XII PREFACE.

as a fresh torch of discord amongst them. Iiilhienced by
this and other considerations, he desired the publication
to be postponed.

In the mean time, almost every vessel which came to
England from Mexico, brought the most earnest entreaties
that he would return to that country. The letters stated
that the Federal Republic held only a few of the provinces
by a fragile bond ; that the royalist, or Bourbon party , was
exerting every art of intrigue to foment the intestine di-
visions to which the counter-revolution gave birth ; and
that amongst the republicans there was not sufficient
energy, or talent, to organize a government that could
endure, nor sufficient personal influence, even if it could
endure, to render it popular. These letters deplored the
miseries of a people without confidence in their rulers, the
destinies of the nation clouded, the channels of public
happiness obstructed, and the empire of religion hast-
ening to dissolution ; they called upon Iturbide by the
ties of his birth, his friendships, and kindred, by the re-
membrance of his aged father, who was still in Mexico,
and by the more solemn obligations which he contracted
towards his country, by giving it the boon of independ-
ence, to return to that country, and once more redeem it
from destruction.

General de Iturbide had besides peculiarsources of com-
munication, which left no doubton his mind that Ferdinand

PREFACE. Xlll

would make another desperate attempt to press back the re-
jected yoke of Spain upon at least a portion of her former
colonies. He had unequivocal reasons for knowing that
this attempt would be favoured by every member of the
Holy Alliance, and that the refusal of England to dis-
cuss the question in a new Congress, was the only obstacle
which prevented them from declaring tlieir views, and
from acting upon them, in the face of day. He was not
ignorant how much might, and would, be done by secret
intrigue and dexterous corruption ; that though France
might not dare to lend her transports and legions to
Spain, as she had prematurely promised, yet, that she
might have a perfect understanding with the other Con-
tinental Powers, for privately supplying Ferdinand with
the means to fit out new expeditions, at the same time'
that the allied agents in the American provinces would
carry on the work of discord.

Under these circumstances it was that, towards the
beginning of April, Iturbide received at Bath fresh so-
licitations, more earnest than ever, for his return to
Mexico. He felt that he could no longer refuse these
entreaties without sacrificing his duties to his country.
Uninfluenced by any views of personal aggrandizement,
he looked only to the independence of Mexico, which
he had the glory to achieve, and he determined, even if
he were to join the ranks as a private soldier, to take a

XIV PREFACE.

musket in his hand, and shed the last drop of his blood
in battle for that sacred cause. /

He came up to town, consulted with his friends, ar-
ranged every thing for his departure, which was fa-
voured by an extraordinary combination of circumstances,
and after placing six of his children* at different
schools, he sailed with Madame de Iturbide, his two
infant children, and a small suite from Cowes on
the 1 1th of May — a day which curiously enough hap-
pened to coincide with that on which twelve months
before he sailed from Mexico for Italy. Before his de-
parture from town he left the following letter as expla-
natory of his views.

'* My dear Sir, — It is probable that as soon as my departure is
known, different opinions may be expressed, and that some of them
may be falsely coloured. I wish, therefore, that you should know the
truth in an authentic manner.

*' By a misfortune that is much to be deplored, the principal pro-
vinces of Mexico are at this moment disunited : all those of Goatemala,
New Galicia, Oajaca, Yacatecas, Queretro, and others, sufficiently
attest this fact.

** Such a state of thing's exposes the independence of the country

* The eldest son, a fine youth of sixteen, is at Ampleforth Colleg-e,
near York: the second, now about six years old, is at a preparatory
school at Hampstead ; the two eldest g-irls, under twelve, are at the
Convent of Taunton ; and the two young^est at Spetisbury-house, near
Blaudford, Dorsetshire.

PREFACE XV

to extreme peril. Should she lose it, she must live for agfes to come in
frightful slavery.

•* My return has been solicited by different parts of the country,
which consider me necessary to the establishment of unanimity there
and to the consolidation of the Government. I do not presume to form
such an opinion of myself ; but as I am assured that it is in my power
to contribute in a great degfree to the amalg-amation of the separate
interests of the provinces, and to tranquillize in part those angry pas-
sions which are sure to lead to the most disastrous anarchy, I go with
such an object before me, uninfluenced by any other ambition than the
glory of effecting the happiness of my countrymen, and of discharging
those obligations which I owe to the land of my birth — obligations
which have received additional force from the event of her independ-
ence. When I abdicated the Crown of Mexico, I did so with plea-
sure, and my sentiments remain unchanged.

(j^ If I succeed in realizing my plan to the extent which I desire,
Mexico will soon present a government consolidated, and a people act-
ing upon one opinion, and co-operating in the same object. They will
all recognise those burdens, which, if the present government con-
tinued, would only fall upon a few ; and the mining and commercial
transactions of the country will assume an energy and a firmness of
which they are now deprived. In anarchy nothing is secure, j

*' I have no doubt that the Englislr -nation, which knows how to
think, will easily infer from this statement the probable political situa-
tion of Mexico.

** I conclude with again recommending to your attentions my chil-
dren, in my separation from whom will be seen an additional proof of
the real sentiments which animate the heart of your very sincere friend,

" AGUSTIN DE YTURBIDE.

" Michael Joseph Qutn, Esq., Grafs fnn."'

XVI PREFACE.

>

A duplicate of this letter was placed by General de
Iturbide in the hands of his commercial agent, Mr.
Matthew Fletcher, a merchant in the city.

This letter is a clear indication of Iturbide's intention
not to interfere with any existing engagements, which
have been formed by the Republican government with
this country. Should his plan succeed, as he states
above, " all the provinces will recognise those burdens,
which if the present government continued, would fall
only upon afeiv.'' When in this country, he witnessed,
and frequently expressed approbation of the conduct of
Mr. Hurtado, with regard to the admission of the Co-
lumbian loan : he avowed the injustice, and strongly con-
demned the refusal of Ferdinand to acknowledge the
engagements of the Spanish Cortes. Principle is with
Iturbide an adequate motive, but interest must likewise
oblige him to allow the existing loan of Mexico, for he
foresaw, and even somewhat prepared for, the necessity
which the Mexican state might have of a further loan,
so soon as the conditions of the one already negotiated
would admit.

General de Iturbide, on his departure, confided it to the
discretion of his friends to publish the following ** state-
ment," and as the reasons which induced him ori-
ginally to suspend the publication, have been in a great
measure removed by the circumstance of his departure

PREFACE. XVll

for Mexico, those friends conceive that they ought no
longer to detain from the Public a work, which, though
limited in its extent, sheds light upon an interesting
epoch of South American history.

In order to render some parts of it intelligible to the
English reader, it may be useful to recapitulate some of
the leading events of the Mexican Revolution, which
preceded Iturbide's appearance on the scene. Ever
since the conquest of Mexico by the Spaniards, the me-
mory of their cruelties had remained deeply engraven on
the hearts of the natives, and nothing but the sword
kept them in subordination. At the period of that con-
quest the natives were, and still remain, composed of
different castes, who, whatever may be their mutual
antipathies, always concentrated them against the Euro-
pean Spaniards. The separation of the North Ameri-
can States from the dominion of England, caused a
strong sensation amongst the Creoles of Mexico, as
well as of other parts of South America ; they were the
classes next in society to the Spaniards, and, therefore,
bore a more intense animosity against them. The Creoles
saw the Spaniards raised to every office of trust and emo-
lument in the country, while they, the natives of the soil,
were the victims of every sort of injustice and oppression.
Yet, as soon as they heard that the Junta of Seville, in
1808, proclaimed war against France, they forgot their

b

XVlll PREFACE. ]

)

wrongs, they firmly refused to transfer their allegiance
to Joseph Buonaparte, and resolved to hold their country
for Ferdinand. The viceroy at that period was Iturri-
gary ; he was popular amongst the Americans, on account
of his conciliatory conduct towards them, and for the same
reason he was hated by the Spaniards, who were from
interest mostly in favour of the new King Joseph. The
Europeans, aided by French intrigue, deposed Iturrigary,
and he was succeeded by Venegas, whose administration
rendered him peculiarly odious amongst the Americans.
The latter had already felt their strength in the commu-
nity of their feelings towards Ferdinand, their resistance
against the acknowledgment of Joseph, and the influence
which they possessed with Iturrigary. His deposition
and the conduct of Venegas, operated powerfully on their
minds, and conspiracies were formed for the purpose of
exterminating the Spaniards. A simultaneous insurrec-
tion was concerted to take place throughout the kingdom,
but it was frustrated by accident. A curate of Dolores, of
the name of Hidalgo, was the head of the conspiracy in
Guanaxuato, one of the richest and most beautiful pro-
vinces of Mexico. He opened his plans to Iturbide, who
was then a young man, but they appeared to him to offer
little chance of success, and he refused to aid them.
Hidalgo and his undisciplined followers traversed differ-
ent provinces, and every where marked their course by

PREFACE. XIX

plunder and blood. He was at length destroyed ; but his
exertions had excited many imitators, and for nine or ten
years the provinces were harassed, and industry inter-
rupted, by a succession of ignorant adventurers, whose
only object was to acquire wealth by robbery, and a bar-
barous preeminence by unrelenting massacre. One of the
most distinguished leaders of those banditti, after Hi-
dalgo, was another priest of the name of Torres. In Mr.
Robinson's Memoirs of the American Revolution, there is
a portrait of this chieftain, drawn with great power,
and it seems to be a correct specimen of the insurgent
leaders of that period.

*' Torres had under his command an immense extent of
country, which had been parcelled out, like the feudal
system of old, into districts or comandancias. It was
a prominent feature of his policy, to select for the go-
vernment of these districts, men whose gross ignorance,
he conceived, would render them subservient to his will,
and proper subjects to promote his views of sole domi-
nion. Many of these commandants followed the ex-
ample set them by Torres, directing their principal atten-
tion to personal enjoyments. Without a government ca-
pable of enforcing obedience, they were uncontrolled in
their proceedings, and acted according to their own
pleasure in their respective comandancias. The re-
venues of the state they looked upon, not as belonging to
the public, but as their individual property, and consi-

XX PREFACE.

dered they were conferring an obligation on the republic,
when any of its resources were devoted to its service.
The forces raised were only such as they thought proper,
and were taught to look upon their commandants as
masters, whose mandate alone they ought to obey. The
peasantry were regarded as vassals devoid of every pri-
vilege, upon whom they had a right to heap injuries, and
the soldiery to prey with impunity. Each commandant
became a petty tyrant in his district ; the interests of the
country were no longer viewed as primary objects, but were
supplanted by a devotion to self -gratification ; while the
chief aim and end of exertion, was to preserve the good-
will of the Sultan Torres. On his part, he was a profi-
cient in the arts necessary to ingratiate himself into the
good opinion of these men. He would gamble and
drink with them; would run races, and fight gamecocks,
in which science Torres was extremely dexterous, till
they were stript of their money. In short, as long as
tiie commandants conformed to his instructions, he
neither investigated nor cared what was their conduct.
It was therefore by no means extraordinary, that Torres, j

after being appointed commander-in-chief, maintained
an absolute power ; that his orders were implicitly and
promptly obeyed. Had they emanated from a man ce-
lebrated for correct and upright conduct, more awe and j
reverence could not have been attached to them. His
head-quarters were fixed on the top of the mountain of

r

i

PREFACE. XXI

Los Remedios, which he fortified, at the cost, and to the
ruin of many families round its base. There, surrounded
by women and all the luxuries the country afforded, he
became indolent and capricious, issuing the most arbi-
trary decrees, and like a demi-god, from his lofty seat,
smiled at the effects of his imperious mandates upon the
faithful Americans by whom he was upheld. When in
the zenith of his glory, he was to be seen surrounded by
sycophants and women, singing the most fulsome songs
in his praise, while, extended on a couch, and fanned by
one of his females, he would listen with rapture to the
grossest adulation, and indulge in loud bursts of laugh-
ter, arising from his heart-felt satisfaction : swelling
and exulting with vain glory, he would often exclaim,
" Yo soy xefe de todo el mundOi'' (I command the world).
Such was the character of the leader of the revolutionists
in the western provinces."

During the interval between 1810 and 1816, Iturbide
held a high command under the viceroys, and made se-
veral successful expeditions against the insurgents, who
were little more than roving banditti, and who became
the terror of the country. They were at length dispersed
in a great measure about the close of 1819 ; and in 1820,
soon after the proclamation of the Constitution in Spain,
a fresh ferment commenced. This is depicted in the fol-
lowing pages.

The writer of those pages. General de Iturbide, is now

XXU PREFACE.

about forty years of age ; his frame is of the middle size,
well proportioned, and, from his military experience,
capable of enduring hardship and privation. His coun-
tenance possesses benignant expression, and his manners
are simple and frank. It is impossible to know him with-
out feeling attachment for him. By a good fortune,
which is not common in South America, his education
was attended to early in life. He is versed in classic
literature, and his ordinary conversation is marked by a
peculiar conciseness and strength of expression. When
engaged on any subject of importance, his language rises
into a natural eloquence, and becomes flowing, graceful,
and impressive. His mind is of a profound and noble
order, and from the foresight, comprehensiveness, and
happy truth of his views, admirably adapted for the orga-
nization of an infant country. His talents as a soldier,
and his uniform success in the field, have caused him to
be idolized by the army. His heart was softened in early
life by an affection for the lady who became his wife,
while both were still young, and who is now the mother
of a numerous family. It is in the circle of that family,
while his children are around him, that Iturbide is seen
most delighted; it is from that circle that his public
virtues have derived their finest impulse, and in which
they meet their best reward. With respect to his power
of conciliating the opinions of those who differ from him,
a gentleman who has recently come from South Ame-

PREFACE. XXlll

rica, and whose testimony is beyond all suspicion, says
that, " Such was Iturbide's address, that in every case of
conquest, he converted into active friends all those who
had been indifferent before, and seldom failed to gain
over to his cause, the most powerful of his enemies ;
while, at the same time, he won the confidence and
esteem of every one, by his invariable moderation, hu-
manity, and justice*."

General Iturbide has declared, that if he obtain any
influence upon his return to Mexico, he will use it in
introducing, as far as the genius of that country will
permit, the political institutions of England. While he
was here he made himself acquainted with those insti-
tutions, and felt for them the greatest admiration. He
has declared also his earnest desire to cultivate the
closest political and commercial relations with our Go-
vernment, and there can be little doubt that the restora-
tion of his influence would be attended with peculiar
advantages, not only to the Mexican but to the British
people.

THE TRANSLATOR.

London J 3d June, 1824.

* See extracts from a journal written on the coasts of Chili, Peru,
and Mexico, by Captain Basil Hall.

STATEMENT

i

STATEMENT,

The epoch in which I have lived has been a
critical one ; equally critical is the moment at
which I am about to submit to the world a sketch
of my political career. The public are not unin-
formed of my name, or of my actions ; but they
have known both through a medium greatly dis-
coloured by the interests of those persons who have
transmitted them to distant countries. There is
one great nation* particularly, in which several
individuals have disapproved of my conduct, and

* Although the Spanish nation, when it declared for the Con-
stitution, gave an example of the high value which a people
ought to set upon their liberties, yet at the same moment it con-
demned in the Mexicans that freedom of sentiment, which at
home it considered as an invaluable blessing. Such is the effect
of human passions! We know what is for our good, we wish to
possess it, and we are displeased that others should seek it
when their desire is incompatible with our own real or apparent
interests !

B 2

« *, » » »

have misrepresented my character. It becomes
my duty, therefore, to relate my own history. I
shall tell with the frankness of a soldier, both
what I have been, and what I am. My actions
and their motives may thus be fairly judged by
every impartial person of the present age, still
more by posterity. I know no other passion or
interest save that of transmitting to my children a
name which they need not be ashamed to bear.

It would be an idle waste of time to set about
refuting the various attacks which have been cir-
culated against me; they are framed in terms cal-
culated only to reflect dishonour upon their
authors.

^ It was my good fortune to break the chains
which enthralled my country : I proclaimed her in-
dependence : I yielded to the voice of a grateful
and a generous people, and allowed myself to be
seated on a throne which I had created, and had
destined for others ; I repressed the spirit of in-
trigue and disorder. These are my crimes ; not-
withstanding which I now appear and shall continue

to appear, with as serene a countenance before the
Spaniards and their-^ing, as I have worn before
the Mexicans and their new rulers. To both coun-
tries I have rendered important services, though
neither knew how to profit of the advantages which
I acquired for them. ^

In the year 1810, I was simply a subaltern offi-
cer ; a lieutenant in the provincial regiment of Val-
ladolid^, my native city. It is well known, that
the individuals who serve in those troops receive
no pay. The military profession was not the
principal object of my pursuit. I possessed an
independence, and attended to the improvement of
my property, without disturbing my mind with the
desire of obtaining public employments. I did not
stand in need of them, either for the purpose of af-
fording me a subsistence, or of adding distinction
to my name, as it pleased Providence to give me
an honourable origin, which my forefathers have
never stained, and which down to my time all tny
kinsmen have supported by their conduct.

* About sixty Icagucb from Mexico.

6

When the revolution, set on foot by Don Miguel
Hidalgo, curate of Dolores, broke out, he offered me
the rank of lieutenant-general *. The offer was one
that might have tempted any young man without
experience, and at an age when his ambition might
be excited. I declined it, however, because I was
satisfied that the plans of the curate were ill con-
trived, and that they would produce only disorder,
massacre, and devastation, without accomplishing
the object which he had in view. The result de-
monstrated the truth of my predictions. Hidalgo
and those who followed his example, desolated the
country, destroyed private property, deepened the
hatred between the Americans and Europeans, sa-
crificed thousands of victims, obstructed the foun-
tains of public wealth, disorganized the army, an-
nihilated industry, rendered the condition of the
Americans worse than it was before, by exciting the
Spaniards to a sense of the dangers which threat-
ened them ; they, moreover, corrupted the manners

* Don Antonio Lavarrietta, in a report which he sent to the
Viceroy against me, admits that I might have held one of the
principal ranks in that revolution, if I wished to participate in it.
Lavarrietta was well acquainted with the propositions which were
made to me.

of the people, and far from obtaining independence,
increased the obstacles which were opposed to it

If, therefore, I took up arms at that epoch, it wa^.
not to make war against the Americans, but against
a lawless band who harrassed the country. The
Mexican Congress, at a later period, proposed that
statues should be erected to the leaders of that in-
surrection, and that funeral honours should be paid
to the ashes of those who perished in it. I have
warred with those chiefs, and I should war with
them again under similar circumstances. The word
insurrection in that instance did not mean inde-
pendence and equal liberty ; — its object was, not '
to reclaim the rights of the nation, but to extermi- /
nate all the Europeans, to destroy their possessions,
and to trample on the laws of war, humanity and
religion. The belligerent parties gave no quarter :
disorder presided over the operations on both sides,
though it must be acknowledged, that one party
are censurable, not only for the evils which they
caused, but also for having provoked the other
party to retaliate the atrocities which were perpe-
trated by their enemies.

8

About the month of October in the year 1810,
I was offered a safe conduct for my father and
family, together with assurances that his property
and mine should be exempted from conflagration
and plunder, and that the people attached to them
should not be subject to assassination (which was
at that time a matter of ordinary occurrence), on
the sole condition that I should quit the standard of
Sthe king and remain neutral. These propositions
'were made to me by the leaders of that disastrous
insurrection, and are well known to the Mexicans.
I was then at San FeUpe del Obraje, commanding a
small detachment of infantry, and at a distance of
four leagues from me was Hidalgo with a consider-
able force. I gave the same answer to these over-
tures as to the propositions already mentioned. I
always looked upon that man as criminal, who in a
season of political convulsions, sheltering himself in
cowardly indolence, remained a cold spectator of
the evils which oppressed his country, and made
no effort to mitigate, at least, if he could not remove,
the sufferings of his fellow citizens. I therefore
kept the field, with a view equally to serve the
king, the Spaniards, and the Mexicans.

9

I was in consequence engaged in several expedi-
tions, and had the good fortune to see victory never
desert the troops under my command, except on one
inconsiderable occasion (in 1815), when I made an
attack on Coporo, a military point, which was well^
fortified, and inaccessible, from the nature of the
ground. I then served under the orders of Llanos, a
Spanish general. He commanded me to attack the '
place ; delicacy forbade me to offer any opposition to
his mandate, though I was fully convinced that the
result could not be favourable. As soon as I was
on the march, I communicated my opinion to the
general by despatch : I retreated as I had foreseen
I should do, but I had the good fortune to preserve
four-fifths of my force, in an action in which I
apprehended that I should have lost the whole.

I engaged with the enemy as often as he offered
battle, or as I came near him, frequently with in-
ferior numbers on my part. I led the sieges of
several fortified places, from which I dislodged the
enemy, and I rendered them incapable of serving
afterwards as asylums for the discontented. I had
no other opponents than those of the cause which I

10

defended, nor any other rivals than those who were
envious of my success.

In 1816 the provinces of Guanajuato and Valla-
dolid, and the army of the north were under my
command ; but I resigned my office through a sense
of delicacy, and retired to pursue my natural dis-
position, in the cultivation of my estates. The
reason of my resignation was this : two inhabitants
of Queretaro, who were subsequently assisted by
four or five families in Guatiajuato, three of which
consisted of the families of three brothers, and ought
therefore to be considered as one, sent a memorial
against me to the viceroy. Many were the crimes
of which they accused me ; they could not, however,
find one witness to support their charges, though I
had resigned for the purpose of removing every
obstacle to their coming forward, by taking away
the motives of hope on the one side, or of fear on
the other. The families of the Countess Dowager
of Rul, and of Alaman, gave proof, by abandoning
the accusation, that they had been taken by surprise,
and that they had been deceived. The Viceroys,
Calleja and Apodaca took cognizance of the matter,

1

n

and after hearing the reports of the Ayuntamientos,
the curates, the poUtieal chiefs, the commandants
and mihtary chiefs, and of all the most respectable
persons in the two provinces, and the army (who
not only made my cause their own, but gave me
tokens of their unqualified approbation),they affirmed
the dictamen of their auditor, and of the two civil
ministers, declaring that the accusation was false and
calumnious in all its parts, that I had permission to
institute an action of damages against the slanderers,
and that I might return to discharge the functions of
the office which I had resigned. I did not choose to
resume the command, nor to exercise my right of
action, and I gave up the pay which I enjoyed.

The ingratitude which I experienced from men
had wounded my feelings deeply ; their insince-
rity, to call it by no severer name, made me shun
every opportunity of again becoming the object of
their attacks. Besides, the anger of the contend-
ing parties having expended itself, and the country
having returned to a state of comparative tran-
quillity, I was relieved from that sense of obliga-
tion which six years before had compelled me to

12

have recourse to arms. My country no longer
stood in need of my services, and v^^ithout betray-
ing my duty, I thought that I might now rest from_
the toils of the camp.

In 1820 the constitution was re-established in
Spain. The new order of things, the ferment in
which the Peninsula was placed, the machinations
of the discontented, the want of moderation amongst
the supporters of the new system, the vacillation of
the authorities, and the conduct of the government
and Cortes at Madrid, (who, from the decrees
which they issued, and the speeches which some of
the deputies pronounced, appeared to have deter-
mined on alienating the colonies,) filled the heart of
every good patriot with the desire of independence,
^ and excited amongst the Spaniards established in
the country, the apprehension that all the horrors
of the former insurrection were about to be re-
peated. Those who exercised the chief authority,
and had the forces at their command, took such
precautions as fear naturally dictated ; and those
persons who at the former epoch had lived by dis-
order, made preparations lor again turning it to

13

advantage. In such a state of things the richest
and most beautiful pai:t of America was about to
become again the prey of contending factions. In
every quarter clandestine meetings took place, for
the purpose of discussing the form of government
which ought to be adopted. Among the Europeans,
and their adherents, some wished for the establish-
ment of the Spanish constitution. They succeeded
in reahzing their views to a certain extent, but the
system was badly understood, and the loose man-
ner in which it was obeyed, indicated the shortness
of its duration. There were some who conceived
that it ought to undergo modifications, inasmuch as
the constitution framed by the Cortes at Cadiz was
inapplicable to " New Spain." Others there were
who sighed after the old absolute government, as
the best support of their lucrative employments,
which they exercised in a despotic manner, and by
which they had gained a monopoly. The privileged
and powerful classes fomented these different par-
ties, attaching themselves to the one or the other,
according to the extent of their political information,
or the projects of aggrandizement which their ima-
ginations presented. The Americans wished for

14

independence, but they were not agreed as to the
mode of effecting it, still less as to the form of go-
vernment which they should prefer. With respect
to the former object, many were of opinion that in
the first place, all the Europeans should be exter-
minated, and their property given up to confisca-
tion. The less sanguinary would have been con-
tented with banishing them from the country, thus
reducing thousands of families to a state of orphan-
age. The moderate party suggested only that they
should be excluded from all public offices, and de-
graded to the condition in which they had kept the
natives of the country for three centuries. As to
the form of government, one party proposed a mo-
narchy, tempered by the Spanish, or some other
constitution; a second party wished for a federative
republic ; a third for a central republic ; and the par-
tisans of each system, full of enthusiasm, were impa-
tient for the accomplishment of their different objects.

I had friends in the principal towns, many of
whom had been long connected with my family ;
others I had known in my expeditions, and during
the period when I held my command. The army, I

4

15

had reason to believe, was strongly attached to
me. All those who knew me did their utmost to
supply me with information. I had visited the best
provinces, obtained accurate information as to the
nature of the country and the character of the inha-
bitants, the points capable of being fortified, and the
resources upon which dependence might be placed.
I saw new revolutions on the eve of breaking out ;
my country was about to be drenched in blood ; I
was led to believe that I had the power to save her,
and I did not hesitate to undertake so sacred a duty.

I formed my plan*, known under the title of
** the Plan of Iguala." A pamphlet, which I have
seen, has asserted that that project was the work of
a club of serviles, who held their meeting at t^e
Profesa, a building belonging to the congregation
of St. Philip, in Mexico. Any person who reads
the document must be convinced, from its contents
alone, that it could not have been dictated by ser-
vilism ; I put out of the question the opinions of
those persons to whom it is attributed, and shall
only say that they are matters upon which the mul-

* See the Appendix of Documents, No. 1.

16

titude is very commonly mistaken. For me, I look
upon those persons as men eminently respectable
for their virtues and their knowledge. After the plan
had been drawn out, I consulted upon it with distin-
guished individuals of different parties ; not one of
them disapproved of it ; it was not modified in any
manner ; nothing was added or erased.

In tracing out this project, my aim was to give
independence to my country, because such was
the general desire of the Americans ; a desire
founded on natural feelings, and on principles of
justice. It was, besides, the only means by which
the interests of the two nations could be secured.
The Spaniards would not allow themselves to be
convinced that their decline began with their ac-
quisition of the colonies, while the colonists were
fully persuaded that the time of their emancipation
had arrived.

The plan of Iguala guaranteed the religion
which we inherited from our ancestors. To the
reigning family of Spain, it held out the only
prospect which survived for preserving those ex-

II

17

tensive and fertile 4)rovinces. To the Mexicans,
it granted the right of enacting their own laws,
and of having their government established within
their own territory. To the Spaniards, it offered
an asylum, which, if they had possessed any fore-
sight, they would not have despised. It secured
the rights of equality, of property, and of liberty,
the knowledge of which is within the reach of every
one, and the possession of which, when once ac-
quired, every man would exert all his power to pre-
serve. The plan of Iguala extinguished the odious
distinction of castes, offered to every stranger
safety, convenience, and hospitality ; it left the
road to advancement open to merit ; conciliated the
good opinion of every reasonable man ; and op-
posed an impenetrable barrier to the machinations
of the discontented.

The operation of putting the plan into execution
was crowned with the happy result which I had
anticipated. Six months were sufficient to untwist
the entangled knot which had bound the two worlds.
Without bloodshed, without fire, robbery, devasta-
tion, without a tear, my country was free, and trans-

18

formed from a Colony into an Empire *. In order
to render the work conformable to received customs,

* All the Europeans who were willing to follow the fate of
the country, preserved the offices which they had obtained, and
were promoted successively to those to which they had a right
by their services and merits. Subsequently they were called
to take upon them the higher offices, and to discharge the most
important commissions. In the Congress, in the Council of
State, in the departments of the ministry, in the army, in the
commands of the provinces, there were Spaniards in no little
number. Those who did not choose to be citizens of Mexico,
had full liberty to remove themselves, together with their families
and effects, to such places as they deemed most convenient.
Pecuniary assistance for their journey was given to such of the
public functionaries as asked for it, to the extent of the fourth
part of the stipends which they had enjoyed. To the military
men, the expenses of their voyage to Havannah was advanced ;
and this kindness was shewn even to those persons who, after the
government was established, and after they had given their parole
not to oppose it, attempted, with arms in their hands, to over-
throw it, and were defeated and disarmed. At such a crisis, this
conduct on my part gave rise to an opinion, that I was secretly in
concert with the expeditionary troops (of Spain) ; but if such had
been the fact, they doubtless would have declared it, if for no
other purpose than that of shifting upon me the blame of an
attempt, which dishonoured themselves and their officers ; which
personally disgraced them and reduced them to the degradation of
being defeated, disarmed, taken prisoners, and prosecuted. The
result of these proceedings would necessarily have been fatal to
them ; but here also they met with indulgence, and were pardoned.
Not one Spaniard was harshly treated, during the war for inde-
pendence which I directed.

I

19

only one additional drcumstance was required — a
treaty, which the diplomatists would add to the long
catalogue of those which they already possess, and
which commonly turn out to be only so many
proofs of the bad faith of men, as they are not
seldom violated when it is the interest of one of
the parties^ and he happens to be the strongest.
Nevertheless, it is right to follow the laws of
custom. On the 24th of August*, I had an inter-
view with that most worthy Spanish General,
Don Juan de O Donoju ; and on the same day was
concluded between us a treaty, which bears the
name of the place where it was signed f, and was
sent off to His Majesty, Ferdinand VII., by an
officer of O Donoju's suite.

The treaty of Cordova opened to me the gates of the
capital, which otherwise I could have forced. But it
is always delightful to me to be spared the neces-
sity of exposing my men, and of shedding the blood
of those who had been my companions in arms.

There were persons who raised questions on the

* 1821. t See the Appendix of Documents, No. If.

C 2

20

treaty of Cordova, by doubting my authority, as
well as that of O Donoju, to enter into a compact
upon a matter of so much delicacy. It would be
easy to answer them, by saying that in me was de-
posited the will of the Mexican people at that period ;
in the first place, because that which I signed in their
name was conformable to what they must have de-
sired ; and secondly, because they had already given
proofs of their sentiments; such as were able to
bear arms, by joining me, and others by assisting
me in every way which lay in their power. In every
place through which I passed, I was received in the
most enthusiastic manner. Seeing that no one was
forced to exhibit these demonstrations, it is to be
inferred that they approved of my intentions, and
that their ideas accorded with mine. With respect
to General O Donoju, he was the principal authority
furnished with credentials from his government, and
even though he might not have received specific in-
structions for that particular case, the circumstances
authorized him to do the best he could for his country.

Had this general commanded an army superior
to mine, and possessed resources sufficient to enable

•21

him to carry on war against me, he might have
properly refused to sign the treaty of Cordova,
without first communicating with his government,
and receiving its answer. But attended as he was
with scarcely a dozen officers, the whole country
being in my power, his mission being adverse to
the sentiments of the people, unable to procure in-
telligence of the state of things, without any know-
ledge of the localities, shut up in a weak fortress,
which was exposed to our fire, with an army in
front of him, and the few troops of the king who had
remained in Mexico, commanded by an intrusive
chief* ; under such circumstances, let those per-
sons who disapprove of the conduct of O Donoju
say what they would have done if they had been in
his place, or what they imagine he ought to have
done ? He must have signed the treaty of Cordova,
or have become my prisoner, or have returned to
Spain ! he had no other alternative. If he had
chosen either of the latter, all his countrymen would
have been compromised, and the government of

* Don Francisco de Novella, Field Marshal and Inspector of
Artillery in Mexico, who by means of a military commotion, pos-
sessed himself of the bui)rcme authority after deposing the N''iceroy
Apodaca.

Il

22

•

Spain would have lost every hope of those advan-
tages which it then obtained ; advantages which it
never would have acquired, if I had not been in the
command, and if O Donoju had not been an able
politician as well as a faithful Spaniard.

I entered Mexico on the 27th September, 1821 ;
on the same day was installed the Junta of govern-
ment which is spoken of in the plan of Iguala, and
the treaty of Cordova. It was nominated by me,
but not according to my arbitrary choice, for I wished
to assemble together such men of every party, as
enjoyed the highest reputation amongst their friends.
This was the only means which could be resorted
to in such extraordinary circumstances for consult-
ing the public opinion.

Up to this point my measures gained general
approbation, and in no instance were my hopes de-
ceived. But as soon as the Junta began to exercise .
its functions, it perverted the powers which had
been granted to it ; and within a few days after its
installation, I saw what was likely to be the issue.
From that moment I shuddered for the fate that

23

awaited my fellow citizens. It was in my power
to resume the whole authority, and I asked myself,
ought I not to resume it, if such a step be essential
to the safety of my country ? I considered, how-
ever, that it would have been rash of me to resolve
on undertaking such an enterprise, relying solely
on my own judgment. If I were to consult with
others, my design might transpire, and intentions,
which had sprung solely from my love for my coun-
try, and from a desire to promote its happiness,
might be attributed to ambitious views, and con-
strued into a violation of my promise. Besides,
even if I were to accomplish every thing which I
proposed, I could not have done it without infringing
on the plan of Iguala, which it was my great object
to maintain, because I looked upon it as the aegis
of the public welfare. These were the true reasons
which, together with others of less importance, re-
strained me from taking any decisive measures.
They would have brought me into collision with
the favourite feelings of the cultivated nations of the
world, and have rendered me, for some time, an
object of hatred to a set of men, who were infa-
tuated by chimerical ideas, and who had never
learned, or had soon forgotten, that the republic

24

which was most jealous of its liberty, possessed
also its dictators. I may add, that I have always
endeavoured to be consistent in my principles ;
and as I had proposed to form a Junta, I fulfilled my
promise, and was reluctant to undo the work of my
own hands.

There were at this time some deputies in Mexico
who set little value on the public happiness, when
it is opposed to their private interest, and who had
acquired reputation by some actions that appeared
generous to those who were benefited by them
without knowing the secret views by which they
had been prompted. They were well acquainted
with the mysteries of intrigue, ever ready to stoop
to servility when they found it expedient, and to
assume insolence when their star was in the as-
cendant. These men disliked me because I had
hitherto been successful in my career, and they
began to foment those parties which were after-
wards known under the titles of Republicans and
Bourbonists, and which, however they differed on
other points, were united in their opposition to me.

The Republicans were hostile to me, because

25

they well knew that they could never bring me to
contribute to the establishment of a government,
which, whatever might be its attractions, did not
suit the Mexicans. Nature produces nothing by
sudden leaps ; she operates by intermediate de-
grees. The moral world follows the laws of the
physical. To think that we could emerge all at
once from a state of debasement, such as that of
slavery, and from a state of ignorance, such as had
been inflicted upon us for three hundred years,
during which we had neither books nor instructors,
and the possession of knowledge had been thought
a sufficient cause for persecution ; to think that we
could gain information and refinement in a moment,
as if by enchantment ; that we could acquire every
virtue, forget prejudices, and give up false preten-
sions, was a vain expectation, and could only have
entered into the visions of an enthusiast *.

The Bourbonists, on the other hand, wished for

* Many are the reasons which might be alleged against the
boasted republic of the Mexicans. Those persons add little to the
arguments in its favour, who compare New Sjmiii, as it was called,
with the United States of America. Misfortune and time only,
I fear, can impart to my countrymen every thing which they
want. Would that I may be mistaken !

I

t;

26

my fall, because as soon as the decision of the go-
vernment of Madrid was made known, through its
decree of the 13th of February *, which was subse-
quently transmitted by the minister for the colo-
nies, and in which the conduct of O Donoju was
formally disapproved, the treaty of Cordova became
null and void, as to that part of it which invited the
Bourbons to the crown of Mexico, and effective
with respect to the nation's entering into the full
enjoyment of its right to elect as sovereign the
individual whom it would deem most worthy of
that high office. The Bourbonists, therefore, no
longer expecting that a Bourbon would reign in
Mexico, thought only of our returning to our for-
mer state of dependence ; a retrogression which
was impossible, considering the impotence of the
Spaniards, and the determination of the Americans.

Hence I became the object of attack to both
these parties, because as I had the public force
at my command, and was the centre of general opi-
nion, it was necessary to the preponderance of
\ either party that I should cease to exist.

* Sec Appendix, No. 111.

27

The leaders of the^factious spared no pains to
gain proselytes ; and certainly they found many to
adhere to them. Some who were the least experi-
enced, suffered themselves to be easily led away ;
because they saw nothing more in the projects on
foot than what was represented to them, and there
is no design of which different views may not be
given ; some hoped that by the subversion of the
government, they might advance their own fortunes;
and others, the natural enemies of established order,
in whatever system it prevails, were anxious only
for a change. Among the latter, one might be
named who values himself on his literary accom-
plishments, and has made himself conspicuous in the
revolution.

The first duty of the Junta after its installation,
was to frame the Convocatoria, or proclamation for
the assemblage of a Congress*, which was to give
a constitution to the Monarchy. The Junta took

* This Convocatoria contained instructions prescribing the
mode of election, and apportioning the number of deputies to be
returned by each district. It was addressed in the first instance
to the provincial deputations, and they distributed it through their
jurisdictions.

28

more time to perform this duty than the urgency of
the case permitted, and committed several errors
in framing the Convocatoria. It was extremely de-
fective, but with all its imperfections it was accepted ;
I could do no more than perceive the evil, and lament
it. The census of the provinces was not consulted ;
hence, for instance, one deputy was appointed for a
province containing a hundred thousand inhabitants,
and four for a province scarcely peopled by half
that number. Nor did it at all enter into the cal-
culations of the Junta, that the representatives ought
to be in proportion to the civihzation of the repre-
sented. Three or four individuals might be easily
selected from among an hundred well-educated
citizens, who might possess the qualifications ne-
cessary to constitute good deputies ; whilst among
a thousand, who are without education, and are
ignorant of the first rudiments, scarcely one man
can be met with of sufficient ability to know what
is conducive to the public welfare — whose mind is
sufficiently enlarged to take accurate views of public
affairs, or at least to save him from extravagant
errors respecting them ; who has sufficient firmness
of character to vote according to what he thinks

•29

best, and not to deviate from his opinion when once-
convinced of its truth ; and whose experience en-
ables him to perceive the grievances which afflict
his province, as well as the remedy which they
require. For, although that remedy might not
always be within his reach, such experience would
enable him, on hearing others proposed, to form a
sound judgment upon them.

These defects were quite sufficient to extinguish
every hope, that any benefits would be derived from
the Convocatoria of the Junta. It had many other
faults which I have not mentioned, as I do not mean
to comment upon them. But there is one which I
cannot pass over in silence, that of having the
deputies nominated at the will, not of a district
(Partido), for that would be of a majority of the
citizens, but of the Ayuntamientos of the principal
towns. See the injury thus done to the country
people at large ! In the elections, a vote was given
by the Junta, to the electors chosen by the country
people ; and a voice was also given to the indi-
viduals who composed the Ayuntamiento of the
principal town of each department. But in electing

30

the Ayuntamientos, it was possible to get into them
by a little management, as was in fact frequently
done ; because the wish of aspiring to the functions
of these bodies, was not so general as the ambition
of obtaining a seat in Congress. The Ayuntamien-
tos were, therefore, filled up at their own pleasure,
and were consequently vitiated ; and as all the
members possessed a vote in the elections for de-
puties, the Ayuntamientos became almost the only
electors. This is evident to any one who knows
how thinly the population is distributed over that
country, and how great a disproportion exists be-
tween the number of inhabitants in a town, and in
its dependencies.

To render this clearer, let it be supposed that
a principal town of a province contains four, eight,
or ten thousand inhabitants, leaving out of the
question the city of Mexico, the population of which
exceeds one hundred and seventy thousand souls,
and other cities densely inhabited.. The Ayunta-
miento of such a town consists, perhaps, of fifty or
sixty members ; the departments which have to
send electors to the principal town, name no more

31

than eight or ten. Tliis small number, therefore,
acting in conjunction with all the members of the
Ayuntamiento, is reduced to a cipher, and the elec-
tion terminates according to the pleasure of that
body. Thus the people were deceived by being
told, that in them resided the sovereignty, which
they were to delegate to the deputies whom they
were about to name ; when in fact there was no
such nomination, except on the part of the Ayun-
tamiento, or rather, indeed, of the directors of the
Junta, who, after the dissolution of that body, passed
into the Congress, in order to continue their ma-
noeuvres.

To this system, so framed, was added intrigue
in the elections ; the most worthy men were not
sought for, nor even those who were decided for
any particular party. It was quite sufficient if the
candidate were my enemy, or so ignorant * that

♦ In order to give some idea of the political information of
some of the deputies, it is sufficient to adduce the example of one
of those who were concerned in the accusation for a conspiracy,
which shall be mentioned in a subsequent page. He claimed
inviolability, as the diplomatic agent of what he called the Re-
public of St. Salvador; which was nothing more than apart of a

32

he might easily be persuaded to become so. If he
possessed either of these requisites, he was deemed
competent to discharge the sacred functions which
were to be entrusted to him.

If the archives of State have not been spoliated,
remonstrances may be found amongst them from
almost all the provinces, pointing out the nullity of
the powers conferred on the deputies. Several
individuals were elected who had been accused of
conduct notoriously scandalous ; some had been
prosecuted as criminals : others were men of broken
fortunes, tumultuous demagogues, officers who had
capitulated, and who, violating the laws of war and
their paroles, -had again taken up arms against the
cause of liberty, and after suffering defeat had sur-
rendered a second time. Some of the new deputies
were obstinate anti-independents, and one was an

province in the kingdom of Goatemala, then in insurrection, but
soon after tranquillized. He was persuaded, that there was
nothing incompatible in his being a deputy of Congress, and at
the same time the diplomatic agent of a foreign power to the
nation of which he was a legislative representative ! This is a
fact, which appears from the proceedings that were instituted in the
office of the first ministry of state.

m

33

apostate monk*, although by law no member of
the religious orders could have a seat in congress.
The authors of the remonstrances offered also to
prove, that the rules for the conduct of the elections,
as they were laid down in the Convocatoria, had
been infringed ; and that the persons returned
were not those whom the majority approved, but
those who were the most skilful in intrigue. These
documents were all sent to my department, when I
was Generalissimo and Admiral- in-Chief ; when I
became Emperor, I directed them to be transmitted
to the department of the Interior, for the purpose
of being deposited in the archives. I did not wish
to lay them before the Congress, because even if
justice were done, which could hardly be expected,
I saw that they would be productive only of odium,
and of legal prosecutions. I considered that time
would be lost in new elections, as it would be ne-
cessary to have the most of them renewed, and I
felt that our most important care was first to or-
ganize the government. Besides, I thought that the
errors into which this Congress might fall, might be
corrected by that which should succeed it. This

* Such be was generally believed to be.

U

1

34

mode of reasoning, which would have been question-
able perhaps under any other circumstances, was
suitable to those which then existed, because the
object was to avoid greater evils.

The result of the elections, therefore, was the
formation of a congress, perfectly conformable to
the wishes of the party who influenced its nomina-
tion. A few men of undoubted virtue and wisdom,
and of the purest patriotism, whose fair reputation
was so widely extended that no machinations could
prevent them from having a majority of suffrages,
found themselves confounded with a multitude of
intriguers, of assuming manners, and sinister inten-
tions. I do not desire to be credited on my mere
assertions; examine the acts of the congress
during the eight months that elapsed from its
installation until its suspension. The principal |
object of its assembling was to draw up a constitu- ,
tion for the empire : not a single line of it was
written. In a country, naturally the richest in the
world, the treasury was exhausted ; there were no
funds to pay the army or the public functionaries ;
there was no revenue, nor even a system of finance

35

established, as that which had existed in the time
of the Spanish rule,_Jiad been abolished, without
any other system having been substituted for it.
The congress would not occupy itself in matters of
such essential importance, notwithstanding the
repeated and urgent solicitations which 1 made to
it in person, and through the secretaries of state.
The administration of justice was wholly neglected ;
in the changes which had taken place some of the
officers had left the empire, some died, others had
embraced new avocations, and the offices and tri-
bunals were nearly deserted. Upon this subject
also the congress declined to take any steps : in
short, although the empire was in the weakness of
infancy, and wanted their assistance at every point,
they did nothing. The speeches which were pro-
nounced, turned on matters of the most trifling
description, and if any of them happened to touch
on topics deserving of consideration, they were,
to say the least of them, foreign to the exigencies
of the moment. What honours should be paid to
the chiefs of the insurrection, who had fallen ?
What should be the form for the oath of an arch-
bishop ? Who ought to nominate the supreme

■ 36

tribunal of justice ? Such, together with a demand
for an apostate friar who was a prisoner in the
castle of S. Juan de Ulua, and other similar sub-
jects, formed the grave occupations of a body, so
august in its institution ! Add to this, that not a
single regulation was made for the government of
the interior. The result was^ that the congress
became the opprobrium of the people, and fell into
a state of abject contempt. The pubhc prints ex-
posed its defects, and even one of the deputies*
stated his opinion that it stood in need of re-
formation.

It soon became manifest that the object of those
who gave all its movements to that machine, was
only to gain time, and to deceive each other until
they found an opportunity, for the arrival of which
they secretly laboured, in order to throw off the
mask. Notwithstanding the cunning which they
used, and the dissimulation with which they en-

* Don Lorenzo Zabala, deputy for the province of Merida and
Yucatan, at that time as well as upon other occasions, publicly
expressed himself favourable to a reform of the congress, but after
the scene was changed, he was one of those who murmured
loudest against the government.

37

deavoured to carry on their designs, the people
and the army saw through their real views. —
Neither the army nor the people desired slavery
on one hand, or republicanism on the other; nor
did they wish to see me deposed, or even in any
manner offended, and from these feelings arose
that distrust with which the whole nation received
all the resolutions that originated in so vitiated a
body.

About the month of April, 1822, a state of agita-
tion was observable, which threatened to end in
anarchy. A public measure, effected in a scanda-
lous manner, discovered the hypocrisy of its authors.
The congress deposed three of the Regents, leaving
in office with me only one, who was well known to
be my enemy, for the purpose of reducing my vote
in the executive to a nullity*. They did not
attempt to depose me, from an apprehension that
they would be resisted by the army and the people,
of my influence with whom they were well aware.

* The Regency consisted of five members — Don Manuel de la
Bareena, Don Ysidro Yanez, Don Manuel Velasco de Leon, Don
5ose Antonio Perez, and myself as President.

38

This resolution was passed in the most precipitate
and singular manner. The question was proposed,
discussed, agreed to, and carried into execution in
one sitting, whereas it had been previously settled
by decree that every proposition which was sub-
mitted to the congress, should be read three times,
at three distinct sittings, before it should be dis-
cussed. After this step they proposed another ; a
commission, appointed for that purpose, presented
a regulation concerning the regency, in which the
command of the army Was declared incompatible
with the functions of the executive power. They
were jealous of my having the soldiery at my dispo-
sal : to such men fear was very natural. This re-
gulation, although it did not receive the sanction of
the legislature on account of the want of time, left
no doubt of the designs which were entertained
against me, and was the immediate cause which ac-
celerated the event of the 18th of May. At ten
o'clock on that memorable night the people and
garrison of Mexico proclaimed me emperor. " Live
Agustin the First," was the universal cry ! In-
stantly, as if all were actuated by the same senti-
ment, that extensive capital was illuminated ; the

I

39

balconies were decorated, and filled with the most
respectable inhabitants, who joyously echoed back
the acclamations of the immense crowds of people
which thronged all the streets, especially those near
the house where I resided. Not one citizen expres-
sed any disapprobation, a decided proof of the
weakness of my enemies, and of the universality of
the public opinion in my favour. No accident or
disorder of any kind occurred. The first impulse of
my mind was to go forth and declare my determi-
nation not to yield to the wishes of the people. If I
restrained myself from appearing before them for
that purpose, it was solely in compHance with the
counsel of a friend who happened at the moment
to be with me. " They will consider it an insult,"
he had scarcely time to say to me, " and the people
know no restraint when they are irritated. You
must make this fresh sacrifice to the public good :
the country is in danger ; remain a moment longer
undecided, and you will hear their acclamations
turned into death- shouts." I felt it necessary to
resign myself to circumstances ; and I spent the
whole of that night in allaying the general enthu-
siasm, and persuading the people and the troops to

40

give time for my decision, and in the meanwhile to
render obedience to the Congress. I went out re-
peatedly to harangue them, and wrote a short pro-
clamation, which was circulated the following morn-
ing*, and in which I expressed the same sentiments
as those I addressed to the people. I convened the
Regency, assembled the generals and superior offi-
cers, communicated what had occurred by despatch
to the President of the Congress, and requested him
to summon immediately an extraordinary sitting.—
The Regency was of opinion that I ought to yield
to public opinion ; the superior officers of the army
added that such also was their unanimous opinion,
that it was expedient I should do so, and that I was
not at liberty to act according to my own desires, as
I had dedicated myself entirely to my country ; that
their privations and sufferings would be useless if I
persisted in my objections ; and that having com-
promised themselves through me; and havingyielded
me unqualified obedience, they had a claim to my
compliance. They subsequently drew up a memo-
rial which they presented to the Congress, request-
ing it to take this important matter into their consi-

* Sec Appendix, No. IV.

«

41

deration. This paper was signed also by the indi-
vidual who subsequently officiated as President of
the act of Casa-Mata*, and by one of the present
members of the executive body.

The Congress met on the following morning ; the
people crowded to the galleries and the entrance to
the chamber : their applauses were incessant ; a
joyous agitation was observable in every face ; the
speeches of the deputies were interrupted by the
impatience of the multitude. It is difficult to obtain
order in moments like these ; but such an impor-
tant discussion required it, and in order to attain
that object, the Congress required that I should be
present at the sitting. A deputation was appointed,
who communicated the invitation to me. I declined
it, because as they were about to treat of me per-
sonally, my presence might be considered as a
restraint on the freedom of debate, and an impedi-
ment to the clear and frank expression of each in-
dividual's opinion. The deputation and several
general officers, however, prevailed on me to ac-

* Sec Appendix, No. XI.

42

cept the invitation*, and I immediately went out in
order to proceed to the place where the Congress
was assembled. The streets were scarcely passa-
ble, so crowded were they with the inhabitants of
the capital ; they took the horses from my carriage,
and I was drawn by the people, and amidst their
enthusiastic acclamations, to the palace of the Con-
gress. On entering the hall where the deputies
were assembled, the vivas! were still more enthu-
siastic, and resounded from every quarter.

The question of the nomination was discussed,
and there was not a single deputy who opposed my
accession to the throne. The only hesitation ex-

* One of those who were the most pressing that I should at-
tend the sitting of that day, was Lieutenant-General Don Pedro
Celesttno Negrete, now a member of the executive. This Ge-
neral had been previously my friend, appeared so then, and con-
tinued to conduct himself as such until the last moment of my
abdication, when he rendered it but too apparent that his profes-
sions never had been sincere, and that he is one of those men who
shape themselves without any difficulty to circumstances. Self-
love often makes us believe that we have some good quality, ca-
pable of fixing the levity of those who having been false friends to
others, still may, we flatter ourselves, be true to us. Negrete had
been faithless to General Cruz, to whom he owed his success in
his profession, and it was not difficult to foresee that he might act
with respect to me, as he had already done towards his benefactor.

43

pressed by a few, arose from a consideration that
their powers were not^ extensive enough to autho-
rize them to decide on the question. It appeared
to them that it would be necessary to notify the
subject to the provinces, and to require from them
an enlargement of the powers already granted,
or new powers specifically applicable to this case
alone. I supported* this opinion, as it afforded
me an opportunity of finding out some means
for evading the acceptance of a situation which
I was most anxious to decline. But the majority
were of a contrary opinion, and I was elected by
seventy-seven voices against fifteen f. These latter
did not deny me their suffrages ; they confined
themselves simply to the expression of their belief,
that the provinces ought to be consulted, since they
did not think their powers ample enough, but at the

* I addressed the people three times in favour of the arguments
urged by the deputies who inclined to this opinion ; enforcing as
well as I could the principles on which they were founded, and
enforcing them with the more warmth, as I was deeply interested
that their counsel should be followed.

t There were ninety-four deputies present, two of whom went
out without voting, which, however, would not prevent them from
being counted ; although, without them the requisite number
was complete, as will be seen in the sequel.

44

same time they said that they were persuaded, that
their constituents would agree with the majority,
and think that what was done was in every respect
conducive to the public welfare. Mexico never
witnessed a day of more unmixed satisfaction;
every order of the inhabitants testified it. I re-
turned home as I had proceeded to the Congress,
my carriage drawn by the people, who crowded
around to congratulate me, expressing the pleasure
which they felt on seeing their wishes fulfilled.

The intelligence of these events was trans-
mitted to the provinces by express, and the an-
swers which successively came from each of them,
not only expressed approbation of what had been
done, without the dissent of a single town, but
added that it was precisely what they desired,
and that they would have expressed their wishes
long before, if they had not considered themselves
precluded from doing so by the plan of Iguala and
the treaty of Cordova, to which they had sworn =^.

* At the time they felt themselves so bound, they did not
know that the treaty of Cordova was rendered null and void as
to the invitation given to the Bourbons, by its having been dis-
approved of at the court of Madrid.

45

I received also the congratulations of an individual
who commanded a regiment, and exercised great
influence over a considerable part of the country.
He told me that his satisfaction was so much the
greater, as he was anxious to avoid making himself
remarkable ; but, at the same time, that he had
made arrangements for proclaiming me, in case it
had not been done in Mexico*.

The authors of the libels which have been writ-
ten against me, have not passed over the occur-
rences of the 18th and 1 9th of May, amidst which
they represent me as acting the part of an ambi-
tious tyrant, attributing the proceedings which
took place, to secret management on my part, and
the intrigues of my friends. I feel assured, that
they never can prove the truth of these assertions,
and that they will receive no credit from those who
know, that on my entry into Mexico, on the 27th of
September, as well as on my swearing to our

* Brigadier Santana, Colonel of the Infantry Regiment, No. 8,
the first who subsequently proclaimed the Republic in the city
of Vera Cruz, and one of those who afterwards declaimed tl»e
loudest against my elevation to the throne.

46

Independence, on the 27th of October, it was Hke-
wise generally wished that I should be proclaimed
Emperor. If I was not so proclaimed at that time,
it was because I did not wish it*, and it was with
no small difficulty that I prevailed on those who
were then raising the shout, to desist from their
purpose.

If, as has been imputed to me, I at that time
conceived any intention of assuming the crown, I
should not have declared the very reverse in the
plan of Iguala, adding this difficulty to those with
which the enterprise was already attended. Nay,
if that plan had been framed for the purpose of
deluding the country, as some persons have been
pleased to assert, what reason was there for re-
peating the same clause in the treaty of Cordova,
when I was under no necessity of dissembling?
If even up to that period I wished for some parti-
cular cause to conceal my design, what occasion
could I have found more favourable to its accom-
pUshment than the 27th of September and the 27th

* See what the Congress states in its manifesto of the 2 1st of
May, which will be found amongst the Documents, No. V.

47

of October in that year* ? The whole empire was?
then actually ruled by^my voice ; there were no
troops except those which were under my command ;
I was Generalissimo of the army ; the soldiers
were all attached to me, and the people called me
their liberator ; no enemy threatened me on any
side, and there were no longer any Spanish troops
in the country. The cabinet of Madrid had not
an individual throughout all New Spain, to whom
it could address its decrees ; the exertions of that
court did not alarm me, as I was not ignorant of
the extent to which they could reach. If I did
not grasp the sceptre at a time when I not only
could have been emperor, but had to vanquish a
thousand difficulties in order to prevent being so,
how can it be said that I obtained it afterwards
only by intrigue and cabal ?

It has been asserted also, that there was not
sufficient freedom in the congress for my election f ,

* 1821.

t If they had not freedom on the 19th of May, 1822, how
could they have possessed it on the 2d of April, 1823, when they
declared all the acts of my government null and void ? Oji the
19th of May, 1822, the scrutiny was secret ; on the 2d of April,

48

inasmuch as I was present while it was carried
on. It has been already seen that I attended
because the congress itself invited me. That the
galleries did not allow the deputies to deliver
their sentiments, is untrue ; each member, who
chose to rise, expressed his opinion without more
than some few interruptions, which always hap-
pens where matter of such importance is under
deliberation, without the decrees so discussed,
being therefore considered less binding than those
which are passed at a secret sitting. It has been
further alleged that some superior officers accom-
panied me on that occasion. The office which I
then held, and the object for which I had been

1823, the scrutiny was carried on in public, in the presence of
the chiefs of the revolution, and of many military young men
who had already lost all discipline, and all respect for the con-
stituted authorities. On the I9th of May they had my assist-
ance and support; T explained myself to that effect at the sitting
I mentioned the same thing in my proclamation of that day, and
took every opportunity of repeating it. They had proofs of my
adherence to ray word. But to whom did they intrust their free-
dom of deliberation, when they framed the decree of nullification ?
To an army commanded by men who refused to acknowledge
them after their re-installation, and who said that they would sub-
mit only to such of their decisions as were adverse to me. This
appears from a document drawn up at Puebla, which has appeared
in the public journals.

49

invited to attend, required that I should have around
me those to whom I could communicate my orders
in case of necessity. However vehemently they
may assert that my retinue imposed restraint on the
congress, the very persons who state this are con-
vinced that it is not true. Four aides-de-camp and
the commanding officer of my escort accompanied
my suite ; besides these I saw six or eight captains
and subalterns, who were first mingled with the
crowd that thronged the entrance of the hall ; these
did not go in with me, and were, therefore, no more
than so many spectators, wishing to gratify their
curiosity ; but neither the latter nor the former, nei-
ther the soldiers nor the people, said, or did any
thing which could be construed to menace, or in any
manner restrain the congress, even if it had been
composed of the most timid characters, and had
been electing the weakest of mankind. It is equally
false that the hall had been filled with the people,
and that the deputies were confounded amongst
them. Unfortunately this has been affirmed by the
congress itself; thus proving that it was composed
of men as changeable as they were weak, who were
not ashamed to declare in the face of the world,

E

50

that they voted under the influence of fear against
their conscientious opinions, on a question of the
gravest importance which could be presented for
their deliberation. What confidence can the pro-
vinces repose in them ? What duties can be con-
fided to their care with the hope of an auspicious
result ? What laws can be dictated by a legisla-
ture devoid of probity ? And what opinion can be
formed of a body which has no firmness, and blushes
not to proclaim its servility? I should have con-
sidered as a libeller, any man who said that the
congress had not acted from its own free will ; but
as it has itself declared the same thing, and as I am
not in a situation to give judgment on the matter,
those who have heard both sides will decide accord-
ing to what appears to them, and posterity, I doubt
not, will form an opinion of that assembly little
honourable to its reputation.

It has been further alleged that the number of de-
puties present was not suflicient to give validity to
the election. Ninety-four attended, one hundred
and sixty-two was the total number for that portion
of the empire which was previously called the vice-

51

royalty of Mexico : from the kingdom of Goatemala
which was subsequently added to it, deputies could
not be received, because in some of the districts the
elections were carried on conformably to the Spanish
constitution, and in others according to a particular
convocatoria which they framed. An exception must
also be made as to the deputies who were to have
come for the provinces of San Salvador, who are in-
cluded in the calculation of my adversaries, but who
ought not to be enumerated, because that country had
declared a government independent of Mexico. How-
ever, taking even the twenty-four deputies for Goa-
temala into account, the total number would be one
hundred and eighty-two, the half of which is ninety-
one. The sitting was attended by ninety-four de-
puties, although only ninety-two voted ; whence it
follows that allowing all the restrictions which are
demanded, there were still the half and one more
present, according to the rule of the Spanish consti-
tution, which, it was agreed, should be observed
upon this point; although many decrees had the
force of law, at the passing of which no more than
seventy or eighty deputies had been present. And
what will the supporters of the nullification say to

E 2

52

the fact, that on the 22d of June, 1822, without any
desire on the part of the Government, without any
extraordinary assemblage of the people which might
overawe the deputies, without being pressed for
time in their deliberations, without my presence
serving as an obstacle, without any agitation in the
capital, and the whole garrison being in profound
tranquillity, the congress of its own accord resolved,
with the entire unanimity of one hundred and nine
deputies who were present *, that the crown should
be hereditary in my family in lineal succession,
giving the title of Prince of the Empire to my eldest
son, whom they designated as the heir- apparent, of
Mexican Princes to the rest of my sons, Prince of
the Union to my father, and Princess de Iturbide to
my sister? They also prescribed the regulations
for my inauguration, and all this they did without its
having been preceded, or attended, by any of those
causes which compelled them, as they alleged, to

* It was proposed to express in the act that the declaration of
the dynasty had been made by acclamation, and the reason that it
was not so expressed was, that a deputy observed that the question
had been discussed and was now at an end. This circumstance
alone pi^vented it from being said that it had been by acclamation,
although there was not one dissenting voice.

53

join in the first acclamation. I mention this, not for
the purpose of establishing rights, which I have re-
nounced with the most perfect good will, but to an-
swer the cavils which have been thrown out against
me, and to shew the bad faith with which I have
been treated.

In order to avoid murmurs, I did not, after my
election, bestow those favours which are usually
lavished on such occasions*. It is not true that I
distributed money, or that I gave away any ap-
pointments, except that of a captain to a Serjeant,
not for his having contributed to my elevation, but
because he bore the best character in his regimentj
and I wished to give the soldiers a proof of my at-
tachment for them, by promoting an individual
whom they considered worthy of a superior rank f .

* The Brigadier Santana, who had made preparations for pro-
chiiming me without consulting the congress, oflered and gave pro-
motions to the officers upon whose co-operation he depended, and
I disapproved of them.

t Sec in the Appendix, No. V. what the congress said to the
Mexicans, after having elected me, and compare it with what the
same congress stated in its decree and declaration (No. \'I. and
VII.) of the 8th of April, 1823 ; such conduct on the part of the
Mexican government, as' is displayed in those documents, furnishes

54

I have already frequently said, and I cannot too
often repeat it, that I accepted the crown only with
the view to serve my country, and to save it from
anarchy. I was well persuaded that my personal
situation was any thing but improved ; that I should
be persecuted by envy ; that the measures which I
could not avoid adopting, would dissatisfy many ;
that it was impossible to please all ; that I was about
to clash with a body which was full of ambition and
pride, and which, at the very moment it was
declaiming against despotism, laboured to concen-
trate within its own circle all the power of the State,
leaving the monarch reduced to a mere phantom,
and assuming to itself not only the enactment, but
the administration and execution of the laws ; a ty-
ranny which is always more intolerable when in the
hands of a numerous body, than when deposited in
those of a single individual. The Mexicans would
have been less free than the inhabitants of Algiers,
if the Congress had carried all its designs into effect.
At one time or other they will be undeceived ; may

sufficient proof that the persons who placed themselves at the head
of the republican party, were devoid of the virtues indispensable
to that form of government.

55

it not be so late as that the difficulties which sur-
round them shall be found insuperable ! I was well
aware that I was about to become the slave of busi-
ness ; that the duties which I undertook would not
be looked upon with a favourable eye by all parties ;
and that by a fate which some would consider for-
tunate, but which I would have always avoided if it
were possible, I was about to abandon every thing
which I had inherited and acquired, and with which
my children would have been enabled to live inde-
pendently, wherever they chose.

Upon my accession to the throne, it appeared as
if all dissensions had subsided into repose. But
the fire, though latent, continued to burn ; the dif-
ferent parties, though they dissembled for a short
time, still carried on their machinations ; and the
conduct of the Congress became the scandal of the
people. I repeatedly received information of clan-
destine meetings, which were held by several de-
puties, for the purpose of devising the subversion of
the government — a government, be it remembered,
that was sworn to by the whole nation, which solemn
act was performed in different provinces solely upon

56

the intelligence being transmitted through private
letters, without waiting for official advices. The
conspirators were fully aware that they were pro-
ceeding in direct contradiction to the general will ;
and, in order to have a pretext for their treasons,
they found it necessary to propagate a report that I
was desirous of becoming an absolute monarch.
Not a single reason did they ever allege in proof
of such an accusation. Indeed, how could they
bring any proof against one who twice refused to
accept the crown that was offered him ; who, at a
time when he knew no rival in the opinion of the
people or army, not only did not seek to preserve
the unlimited power which he had obtained, but
dismembered and parted with it ? When 1 entered
Mexico, my will was law ; I commanded the public
forces ; the tribunals possessed no attributes, save
those which emanated from my authority. Could
I be more absolute ? And who compelled me to di-
vide my power ? I, and I alone ; because I con-
sidered it just. Then, at least, I did not wish to
be absolute ; could I have desired it afterwards >
How can they reconcile my adoption of such oppo-
site extremes ?

57

The true cause of the conduct pursued by the
Congress is that this machine was set in motion by
the impulse received from its directors ; and these
persons saw with secret aversion, that I achieved
the independence of the country, without the as-
sistance of any one of them ; whereas they desired
that every thing should be ascribed to themselves.
Although they had not the resolution to act in the
season of peril, they sought to render themselves
conspicuous by deluding the multitude with school-
boy disputations, and by setting themselves up as
sages to whom the ignorant were to look up with
reverential respect !

In the mean time, so many denunciations, com-
plaints, and remonstrances, reached my hands,
that I could not avoid attending to them, both
because the public tranquillity and safety were
exposed to danger, and because documents of
the same description were sent to me by the
different departments of government ; and if any
misfortune occurred, (and misfortunes of the most
formidable kind were on the eve of happening,)
I should have been responsible to the nation and
the world.

li

K

I resolved, therefore, on proceeding against those
who were implicated, as I was authorized to do by
the attributes which I possessed ; if any person
dispute their extent, he may see them defined in
the 170th article of the Spanish Constitution, which
so far was in force *. On the 26th of August f , I
ordered the apprehension of the deputies who were
comprised in the denunciations, and charged with
being conspirators J. In order to see if that charge

* " The power of causing the laws to be executed resides ex-
clusively in the King ; and his authority extends to every thing
which conduces to the conservation of public order at home, and
to the security of the state against any foreign attack, conformably
to the constitution and the laws." — Article 17O of the Spanish
Constitution. tl822.

I Those who were most urgent with me to arrest the deputies,
those who at that time did nothing less than implore that capital
punishment should be inflicted on the prisoners, those who com-
municated the orders and executed them, — are the same persons
who have been most conspicuous in the last revolution, and
were among the earliest converts to Republicanism. Santana
has, in person and by writing, importuned me a thousand times to
dissolve the Congress, offering to go himself and expel the depu-
ties from the hall at the point of the bayonet. Echavarri ar-
ranged the places where they were to be arrested, and, through
the officers of his regiment, executed the order of arrest against se-
veral deputies. Negrete some time before told me that it was ne-
cessary for me to take my resolution, for that the Congress was an
obstacle to the public happiness. Calvo took the summary (sw

59

were founded on circumstances sufficient, in point
of law, to sustain it, and whether I had reason to
urge me to take a step which has been called
violent and despotic, reference must be made to
the report of the Fiscal of the Swnaria *, which
was approved in all its parts by the Council of
State f .

The Congress demanded, in an imperious man-
ner, that the deputies should be given up to them,
and required to be informed of the causes of their
detention, in order that they might be tried by
the tribunal of Cortes. I resisted giving them up
until the Sumaria was concluded, and until it was

marid) of the proceedings, and communicated it to Brigadier Par-
res : and all, or almost all, these hastened to congratulate me on
the important service which I had rendered the country.

* The Sumaria is equivalent to the Proces verbal in France, or
to the examinations before a magistrate in Enghuid, with the
exception that, in the latter country, the accused is not obliged to
give evidence against himself. — Translator.

t One of the Councillors of State, who approved of the Fiscal's
report, a copy of which will be found among the documents.
No. VIII., was the Brigadier Bravo, now a member of the execu-
tive power, and who was one of the leading chiefs of the late re-
volution ; one of the pretexts put forward for which, is the deten-
tion of the deputies.

60

decided by what tribunal they were to be tried. I
could not agree that they should be sent before
the tribunal just mentioned, which was composed
of individuals of the Congress, who were suspected
of being connected with the conspiracy. They
were, besides, partial members of an assembly,
the majority of which was in bad repute ; and
which, amongst other proofs of its bad faith, had
treated with indifference the disclosures which
I had made to it on the 3d of April, respect-
ing the secret manoeuvres of some of their own
body*.

The interval, until the 30th of October, was
spent in mutual contention. At that period the
discontent of the people increased, and they
threatened to put an immediate end to their suf-
ferings which had been so much abused ; the
public writers repeated their invectives against the
Congress with more vehemence than ever, and the
provinces refused to contribute to the stipends of

* On that occasion, those who were comprehended in the dis-
closures here alluded to, evinced such a want of delicacy as to
attend at the sitting ; amongst them was the then President.

61

delegates, who did not discharge the duties in-
trusted to them*. The national representation had
already brought itself into contempt, by its apathy
in all that related to the public welfare, by its ac-
tivity in creating evils, by its insufferable insolence,
and by its permitting some of its members to main-
tain in public sittings, that no respect was due to
the plan of Iguala, or the treaty of Cordova,
although they had sworn to observe both upon their
admission into the sanctuary of the laws, and al-
though those documents formed the basis given
them by their constituents for the guidance of their
conduct.

They endeavoured at that time merely to depre-

* The deputies, who had no other subsistence than their stipends,
although they were assisted from the general treasury with con-
siderable sums besides, on condition of re-payment, lived, never-
theless, in poverty, and involved in debt. Those who possessed
landed property, or other income, sufficient for their subsistence,
did not disdain to receive the stipends from their respective pro-
vinces, when the latter could contribute them ; and they received
also the sums which were distributed from the stock of the treasury,
thus proving how little they were actuated by generosity, or by a
desire to promote the general welfare either of the community at
large, or of the particular body to which they belonged.

62

ciate the plan of Iguala, because they could do no
more, while I supported it as the expression of
the will of the people. But since my abdication,
they have not been content with speaking against
it ; relying on a mere sophism they have annulled
one of its fundamental principles, and under the
pretence of doing away with the invitation given
to the Bourbons, they have abolished the Hmited
monarchy altogether. What connexion was there
between one and the other? On the 8th of April,
1823, the congress passed a decree, in which * they
declared that the plan of Iguala, and the treaties
of Cordova ceased to have force, as to those parts
which referred to the form of government, and the
calling in of the Bourbons, and that the nation was
fully at liberty to constitute itself. In fact, those
documents had already ceased to have force as to
that portion which the Congress annulled, relating
to the invitation given to the Bourbons ; but they
lost their effect thus far, not because such was the
will of the people, when conferring their powers on
the deputies, but because the government of Ma-

* See a literal copy of this decree ami declaration in the Ap-
pendix, No. VI. and VII.

63

drid did not choose to ratify the treaty signed by
O Donoju, nor to accept the invitation which the
Mexicans freely offered to that family. It was not
competent to the congress to say that at no time
did there exist any right to bind the Mexican
nation by any law or treaty, except through the
nation itself, or its representatives. For although
the proposition, taken by itself, is true, it is false
if it be taken with reference to the plan of Iguala
and the treaty 'of Cordova ; first, because both
were the, expression of the general will of the
Mexicans, as I have already said, and secondly,
because the powers which were conferred on the
deputies * as well as their oath f , were founded
on the principles, and supported on the bases, of
both these documents. They were instructed by
their constituents to organize the government of
the empire, as to its fundamental bases, conform-
ably to the plan of Iguala, and the treaty of Cor-
dova. If, therefore, these bases were not conform-
able to what the public right of every free nation
requires, whence did the deputies derive their au-
thority to create a Congress, and whence could

* See Appendix, No. IX, t Appendix, No. X.

64

such a body have received its attributes of legisla-
tion ? Numerous are the decrees of that assembly,
which evince a similar absence of discernment.
They might have very properly said that the in-
vitation given to the Bourbons was null, because
those princes declined to accept it. But to assert
that, therefore, the plan of Iguala and the treaty
of Cordova were null, in every part, is the extreme
of absurdity. And it is the extreme of ignorance
or of malice to add, that the legislativ^e body could
not be bound to adhere to the basis of that form
of government, which was considered most expe-
dient by those who gave to the congress its ex-
istence as a Congress. If that assembly had
known its duty, and had proceeded with honour
and good faith, it would have respected the plan
of Iguala as the source of its own authority, and
the foundation of the edifice of the state. But it
took an opposite course.

For such an abuse of their authority as this, no palli-
ation was sufficient, and no remedy could be found.
Such a congress neither could nor ought to continue.
This was not only my opinion, but that of every

G5

This was not only my opinion, but that of every
one whom I consulted on the subject, particularly
of a meeting which I held publicly in my palace,
and to which I summoned such persons as were
most distinguished by the respectability of their
character, the ministers, the council of state, the
generals and other superior officers, and seventy-
two deputies.

On the 30th of October, I transmitted a despatch
to the president of the congress through a superior
officer, informing him that that body had ceased to
exist*, and without any other formality, without
violence or further occurrence of any sort, the con-
gress was closed at noon on that day. No person
sympathized with them in their fall ; on the con-
trary, I received congratulations from all quarters,
and in consequence of this proceeding I w^as again

* This despatch was delivered into the president's hand by the
Brigadier Cortazar, who at that time expressed his thanl<s for
having been honoured with such a commission. It was he who
shut the doors of the edifice, after which he returned highly satis-
fied with having performed a task, which was so agreeable to him.
He was one of the first who declared for the republic.

F

66

called the " Liberator of Anahuac," and " the
father of the people."

In order that a body so respectable by its in-
stitution should not be entirely wanting to its duty,
and lest it should be supposed that I arrogated to
myself the power of making the laws, I formed
the same day, an assembly which I called the
" Instituent Junta," consisting of members of the
Congress, and selected from all the provinces.
They amounted to forty-five in number, exclusive
of eight supplemental deputies.

All of these had been elected by their respective
provinces, and for all the provinces there were re-
presentatives. Their duty was confined to the for-
mation of a new convocatoria, and they exercised
the functions of the legislative power only in cases
of urgent necessity. They understood that with
respect to the convocatoria, they were to avoid
those defect^ which the first junta of government
had interwoven in it, and particularly to attend to
the rights of the people to whom they were to

6?

leave the full measure of their liberty, and whom
they were, at the same time, to protect as much
as possible from the intrigues and cabals of those
who would not hesitate to abuse their simplicity.

Happily so far my measures were attended
with general approbation, and I also received con-
gratulations on the installation of the ** Instituent
Junta."

At this period the empire was tranquil, the
government was actively engaged in consolidating
the public prosperity, and our interior grievances
were removed. It only remained for us to get
possession of the castle of S. Juan de Ulua, the
sole point which was in the possession of the
Spaniards, and which commanded Vera Cruz : its
garrisons were relieved by troops from the Havannah,
and on account of its proximity to the island of
Cuba, it offered every possible advantage to an
internal enemy.

The Brigadier Santana commanded the fortress

4

'6"

F 2

68

of Vera Cruz, and was commandant- general of the
province, under Echavarri, who was its captain-
general. Both of these had instructions relative to
the capture of the castle ; some jealousies arose
between them concerning their respective authority,
which they carried to such an extreme, that the
former attempted to have the latter assassinated
during a sortie made by the Spaniards ; for which
purpose he had so well concerted his measures,
that Echavarri, according to his own account, owed
his life to the bravery of a dozen soldiers, and to a
panic which seized those who attacked him. In
consequence of this circumstance, added to the
repeated complaints against San tana, which I re-
ceived from the former captain-general, from the
the provincial deputation, from the consulate, from
a number of the inhabitants, from the lieutenant-
colonel of the corps which he commanded, and from
several officers, who expressed themselves strongly
against his arbitrary and insolent conduct as a go-
vernor, I was under the necessity of divesting him
of his command. I had conferred it upon him, be-
cause I thought he possessed valour ; a virtue which

69

I esteem in a soldier, and 1 hoped that the rank in
which I had placed hfiri, would correct his detects,
with which I was not unacquainted. I also hoped
that experience, and an anxiety not to displease me,
would have brought him to reason. I confirmed
to him the rank of lieutenant-colonel which the last
viceroy had given him by mistake, I bestowed on
r him the cross of the order Guadalupe, I gave him
the command of one of the best regiments in the
army, the government of a fortress of the greatest
importance at that period, the appointment of bri-
gadier (con letras), and made him the second chief
of the province. I had always distinguished him,
nor did I on this occasion wish that he should be
disgraced. I intimated to the minister that the
order of recall should be framed in complimentary
terms, and accompanied by another summoning him
to court, where his services were required for the
execution of a mission which he might consider as
a promotion.

All this, however, was not sufficient to restrain
his volcanic passions ; he felt bitterly offended, and

70

determined to revenge himself on the individual
v\^ho had heaped benefits upon him. He flew to
excite an explosion at Vera Cruz, where the intelli-
gence of his having lost his command had not yet
arrived, and where a great part of the inhabitants
are Spaniards, who exercise great influence on
account of their wealth, and are averse to the in-
dependence of the country, because it put an end
to that exclusive commerce which was the in-
exhaustible source of their riches, to the prejudice
of other nations, including that of Mexico itself, from
which they demanded and obtained such prices
as they pleased. There it was that Santana pro-
claimed a republic. He flattered the officers with
promotions, he deluded the garrison with promises,
he took the respectable portion of the inhabitants
by surprise, and intimidated the neighbouring
towns of Alvarado and Antigua, as well as the
people of colour in the adjacent hamlets. He
attempted also to surprise the town of Talapa,
and was defeated with the loss of all his infantry
and artillery, and the total route of his cavalry,
who saved themselves only by the fleetness of

71

their horses. Whilst Santana was attacking
Talapa, the towns of Alvarado and Antigua placed
themselves again under the protection of the go-
vernment.

This was the proper moment for putting an end
to the rebellion, and punishing the traitor. Ge-
neral Echavarri and Brigadier Cortazar, who com-
manded strong divisions, and had been directed
to pursue him, might have taken the fortress of
Vera Cruz without any resistance ; and by placing
themselves between it and Santana, might have
captured the whole of the remains of the cavalry
that could have rallied ; but nothing was done.

The affair of Talapa undeceived those who had
afforded any credit to the delusive promises of
Santana ; he was now shut up within the fortress of
Vera Cruz and the imperial bridge, a position truly
military; which was defended by two hundred
mulattoes, under the command of Don Guadalupe
Victoria*. Being thus confined to the fortress, he

* His name was Don Felix Fernandez; but when lie joined
in the former insurrection, he voluntarily adopted that of Gua-

72

shipped his baggage and made arrangements for
his own escape by sea, as well as for that of such
of his companions as were committed in his cause,
who were all prepared to fly the moment they
should be attacked.

Although the apathy of Echavarri should have
been perhaps, a sufficient cause for exciting distrust
as to his fidelity, it was not so with me, because
I had formed the highest opinion of him. Echavarri
had experienced from me the greatest proofs of
friendship ; I treated him like a brother ; I had
raised him from insignificance in the political career
to the high rank which he enjoyed ; I was as unre-
served with him as if he were my son ; and it pains
me now to be compelled to speak of him, because
his actions do him no honour,

dalupe Victoria. He possesses the virtue of consistency; for,
although he gained no advantage with his guerillas in favour of
the country, he never sought to profit by the general pardon.
With the assistance of a few of his friends, he maintained himself
wandering through the mountains. The last government, after my
abdication of the supreme command, gave him the title of General,
without designating his rank ; and the Congress nominated him
a member of the executive power.

73

I gave orders for the siege of the fortress, I au-
thorized the Generalto act according to his own dis-
cretion, on such occasions as he deemed necessary,
without waiting for instructions from the govern-
ment. Troops, artillery, provisions, ammunition,
and money, were supplied him in abundance , the
garrison was dismayed ; the officers were deter-
mined to fly; the walls, low and feeble, offered
every facility for an assault, if he did not wish to
open a breach, which might have been effected in
any direction in the course of an hour. Notwith-
standing all these advantages, only a few skirmishes
took place, and the siege lasted till the 2d of Fe-
bruary, when the convention of Casa Mata was
agreed to ; in consequence of which, the besiegers
and the besieged united together for the re- esta-
blishment of the Congress, the only object which,
as they then said, they had in view *.

The fault which I think I committed in my go-
vernment was, that I did not assume the command
of the army the moment I had reason to suspect the

•See Appendix, No. XI.

74

defection of Echavarri. I deceived myself by re-
posing too much confidence in others. I now feel
that to a statesman, such a disposition is always in-
jurious, because it is impossible to fathom the
depth to which the perversity of the human heart
descends *.

It has been already seen, that it was not love for
his country which actuated Santana in raising his
voice for a Republic ; let the world judge also, if it
was the feeling of a patriot which guided the con-
duct of Echavarri, knowing, as he did, that at that
period commissioners had arrived at S. Juan de
Ulua from the Spanish government, for the purpose

* Echavarri was captain of a provincial regiment, forgotten by
the Viceroy and buried in the obscurity of one of the worst dis-
tricts of the Viceroyalty. In little more than a year, I raised him
to the rank of Field Marshal, Knight (de numero) of the Imperial
Order of Guadaloupe, one of my Aids-de-camp, and Captain-Ge-
neral of the provinces of Puebla, Vera Cruz, and Oajaca. This
Spaniard was one of those upon whom I heaped marks of my
favour, and also one of those whom I destined to form a link of
that fraternal union, which I always hoped to establish between
the Americans and the inhabitants of the Peninsula, as being mu-
tually advantageous to both countries. -

75

oi pacifying that part of America, which it considered
to be in a state of rebellion. Echavarri entered into
a correspondence with them ; and with the gover-
nor of the castle; he suddenly forgot his natural re-
sentment against Santana, and joined with him in
opinion ; he forgot the friendship which 1 had
shewn him ; he forgot the duty which he owed to the
Mexicans ; he forgot even his honour, in order to ac-
cept the system of a man who was not only his public,
but his personal, enemy ; and by entering into a
capitulation with him, though at the time in com-
mand of superior numbers, he crowned his disgrace,
and brought a stain upon his character, which no
lapse of time can remove. Can it be, that Echa-
varri, remembering his native land, wished to ren-
der his countrymen such a service, as might expiate
his former conduct? I shall pass no judgment upon
him. Let those do it who cannot be charged with
partiality.

After the convention of Casa Mata, the besiegers
and the besieged united, and rushed like a torrent
over the provinces of Vera Cruz and Puebla, with-
out paying any regard to the government, or the

76

least respect to me, although it was expressly sti-
pulated that a copy of the convention should be sent
to me by a commission. This commission was re-
duced to one officer, who arrived when the whole
army was in motion, and when every point was
taken possession of, which the time allowed, without
waiting to know if I wholly or partly approved, or
rejected that convention. It was also expressly
provided in that act, that no attempt should be made
against my person or authority.

The Marquis de Vivanco commanded the pro-
vinces of Puebla ad interim. He also was one of
those who had experienced my favour. He never
was, nor ever can be, a Republican ; he abhorred
Santana personally, and he was hated by the army
as being an anti-independent, and on account of a
certain want of frankness in his character. Not-
withstanding all this, Vivanco joined the rebels,
and Puebla refused to obey the government.

4

I went out to take a position between Mexico
and the rebels, for the purpose of reducing them
without violence, by agreeing to every thing which

77

was not incompatible with the pubhc good. I
resolved to draw a veil over the past, and to put out
of the question every thing relating personally to
myself. We agreed that a new Congress should
be convened, the Convocatoria for which had been
already settled on the 8th of December, by the
Instituent Junta, and was printed and about to be
issued *. Limits were fixed to the troops on both
sides, and it was stipulated that they should remain
within their lines, until the national representation
should meet and decide the question, all parties
agreeing to submit to its determination. Such was
the agreement entered into with the commissioners
whom I had sent for that purpose ; but those on the
other side violated the stipulations into which they
had entered, by despatching emissaries to the pro-
vinces, for the purpose of persuading them to abide

* The convention of Casa Mata did not take place till the 2d
of February. At the beginning of December, the Convocatoria
for the new Congress was finally arranged. Hence it is evident,
in the first place, that I had no design of assuming the legislative
power; and secondly, that the assemblage of the body which
was to exercise it, was not the true reason of raising the siege
of Vera Cruz, and of proceeding to frame the above mentioned
convention.

78

by the Act of Casa Mat a. Several of the provin-
cial deputations did accede to it ; but at the same
moment that they did so, they expressed a resolu-
tion to respect my person, and to resist any attempt
that might be made against me, not w^ith standing
the arts and menaces which were used in order to
change the current of their feelings.

It has been said that I wished to assume abso-
lute power: I have already demonstrated the false-
hood of this charge. I have been accused, also, of
enriching myself from the public treasury, although
at this moment I have no other dependence than
the property which has been assigned to me;
and if there be any man who knows that I have funds
in any foreign bank, I hereby cede them to him, that
he may make such use of them as he thinks fit.

The best proof that I have not enriched myself,
is that I am not rich ; I have by no means so much
as I possessed when I undertook to establish the
independence of my country. I not only did not
misapply the public funds, but I have not even re-

79

ceived from the treasury the sums which were
granted to me. The first Junta of provisional go-
vernment made an order, that a million of dollars
should be paid to me out of the property of the
extinct Inquisition, and also assigned to me twenty
square leagues of territory in the inland provinces.
I have not received from these resources a single
real. The Congress passed a decree that all my
expenses should be supplied by the treasury to
whatever extent I should require, and the Instituent
Junta granted me an annual income of a million
and a half of dollars. I received no more than was
barely necessary for my subsistence, and this was
drawn in small sums by my steward, every four or
six days, preferring always the exigencies of the
State to my own and those of my family. I may
mention another circumstance, which shews that
self-interest is not my passion. When the In-
stituent Junta granted me the annuity of a million
and a half of dollars, I appropriated the third part
of that sum to the formation of a bank, which might
contribute to the encouragement and assistance of
the mining trade, a principal branch of industry in

80

that country, but which had gone to ruin in conse-
quence of the late convulsions. Regulations for
the institution were drawn up by individuals expe-
rienced in the subject, and specially commissioned
for the purpose.

As little did I enrich any of my relatives by
giving them lucrative employments. I listened to
no private influence ; those who obtained official
situations through me, obtained them as matter of
justice in the scale of promotion, or through the con-
sequences of the revolution, according to the rank
in which they stood when the government was
changed, without their situation being at all im-
proved by my elevation to the throne*.

It has been said that I acted arbitrarily by im-
prisoning some of the deputies of Congress, and

* A brother-in-law of mine, was Alcalde in Valladolid, at the
period of the events of Igaula. A political Chief was wanted, and
the Spanish Constitution called upon him to exercise the functions
of this officej He continued to discharge them up to the time
of my entry into Mexico, when he was confirmed in his office by
the Regency, as were also the political Chiefs of Puebla, Quere-
taro and other places, who had no sort of relationship to me.

SI

afterwards suspendingjt. To this charge T have
already answered. It has been alleged, too, that I
paid no respect to property, because I made
use of the convoy of specie, amounting to one
million tw^o hundred thousand dollars, which left
Mexico, bound for the Havannah, in October 1822.
At that time the Congress had been strongly pressed
by the government to supply the means for meeting
the exigencies of the State, and it gave me autho-
rity to appropriate to that purpose any existing
fund. It informed me privately, through some of
its members, that in adopting this measure, it had
particularly in view the convoy in question ; but
that it had made no allusion to it in the decree,
because the promulgation of that document would
warn the proprietors to abstract their respective
shares, before the necessary orders could be issued.
There were no means for the support of the army ;
the public functionaries were without pay ; all the
public funds were exhausted ; no loan could be ob-
tained at home ; and those resources which might
be solicited from abroad, required more time than
the urgency of the moment could allow. At that

G

82

period a treaty was pending for a loan from Eng-
land, and the negotiations had every appearance of
a successful issue ; but they could not be concluded
within five or six months at the least, and the
necessities of the State were too pressing to be
postponed.

At the same time, impressed as I always have
been with the deep sense of the sacredness of pri-
vate property, I should never have acceded to the
wishes of the Congress, if I had not had good reason
to believe that specie was remitted in that convoy
for the Spanish government under fictitious names,
and that almost the whole of it was intended for the
Peninsula, where it would indisputably contribute
to support the party which was opposed to the
Mexicans. I trust that this will sufficiently appear
to have been my view of the transaction, from the
circumstance that all foreigners who could prove any
part of those funds to belong to them, imme-
diately obtained an order from me for its resti-
tution. But even supposing (which, however, I
cannot concede), that it was wrong to seize the

83

above-mentioned funds, to whom is the error to be
attributed ? Is it to be ascribed to me, who had no
authority to levy contributions or loans, or to the
Congress, which, in a period of eight months, had
arranged no system of revenue, nor formed any
plan of finance ? Is it to be imputed to me, who
could not avoid executing a peremptory law, or to
the Congress which dictated it ?

The act ofCasa Mata fully justified my conduct
in August and October, with respect to the Congress.
The last revolution has only been the result of the
plans which were then formed by the conspirators.
They have not adopted a single step that varies from
the Sumaria, which was taken at that time. The
places where the cry of insurrection was first to be
raised, the troops who were most deeply committed
in the plot, the persons who were to direct the re-
volution, the manner in which I and my family were
to be disposed of, the decrees to be passed by
Congress, the kind of government which was to be
established, all are to be found enumerated in the
declarations and results of the Sumaria. Neither

G 2

84

the imprisonment of the deputies, nor the reform of
the Congress, nor the seizure of the convoy, were
the true causes of the late revolution.

I repeatedly solicited a private interviev^ with the
principal dissenting chiefs, without being able to ob-
tain anything more than one answer in a private note
from Echavarri. Their guilt prevented them from
facing me ; their ingratitude confounded them. —
They despaired of receiving indulgence from me,
(which was another proof of their weakness,)
although they were not ignorant that I was always
ready to pardon my enemies, and that I never
availed myself of my public authority to avenge
personal wrongs.

The events which occurred at Casa Mata united
the republican and the Bourbon parties, who never
could agree but for the purpose of opposing me.
It was as well, therefore, that they should take off
the mask as soon as possible, and make themselves
known, which could not have happened if I had
not given up my power. I re-assembled the Con-

85

gress, I abdicated the crown, and I requested per-
mission, through the minister of relations, to exile
myself from my native country*.

I surrendered my power, because I was already
free from the obligations which irresistibly com-
pelled me to accept it. The country did not want
my services against foreign enemies, because at
that time it had none. As to her domestic foes,
far from being useful in resisting them, my pre-
sence might have proved rather prejudicial to her
than otherwise, because it might have been used
as a pretext for saying that war was made against
my ambition, and it might have furnished the
parties with a motive for prolonging the conceal-
ment of their political hypocrisy. I did not abdi-
cate from a sense of fear ; I know all my enemies,
and what they are able to do. With no more than
eight hundred men I undertook to overthrow the
Spanish Government in the northern part of the
continent, at a moment when it possessed all the
resources of a long-established government, the

* See Appendix, No. XII.

86

whole revenue of the country, eleven European
expeditionary regiments, seven veteran regiments,
and seventeen provincial regiments of natives,
which were considered as equal to troops of the
line, and seventy or eighty thousand royalists,
who had firmly opposed the progress of Hidalgo's
plot. Had I been actuated by fear, would I have
exposed myself to the danger of assassination, as
I did, by divesting myself of every means of
defence?

Nor was I influenced in my resignation by an
apprehension that I had lost any thing in the good
opinion of the people, or in the affection of the sol-
diers. I well knew that at my call the majority of
them would join tne brave men who were already
with me, and the few who might waver would either
imitate their example, after the first action, or be
defeated. I had the greater reason to depend on
the principal towns, because they had themselves
consulted me with respect to the line of conduct
which they ought to pursue under the circumstances
of the moment, and had declared that they would do

87

no more than obey my orders which were that they
should remain quietpas tranquilHty was most con-
ducive to their interests as well as to my reputation.
The memorials from the towns will be found in the
ministry of state and the captaincy-general of Mex-
ico, together with my answers, which were all ii
favour of peace and against bloodshed.

1^ My love for my country led me first to Iguala, i
induced me to ascend the throne and to descen(
again from so dangerous an elevation ; and I have
not yet repented either of resigning the sceptre oi
having proceeded as I have done.J I have left the
land of my birth after having obtained for it the
greatest of blessings, in order to remove to a distant
country, where I and a large family, delicately
brought up, must exist as strangers, and without
any other resources than those which I have already
mentioned*; together with a pension, upon which
no man would place much dependence, who knows
what revolutions are, and is acquainted with the
state in which I left Mexico.

* See page 79.

88

There will not be wanting persons who will
charge me with a want of foresight, and with weak-
ness in re-instating a Congress, of whose defects I
was aware, and the members of which will always
continue to be my determined enemies. My reason
for so acting was this, that I should leave in exist-
ence some acknowledged authority, because the
convocation of another Congress would have re-
quired time, and circumstances did not admit of any
delay. Had I taken any other course, anarchy
would inevitably have ensued, upon the different
parties shewing themselves, and the result would
have been the dissolution of the state. It was my
wish to make this last sacrifice for my country.

To this same Congress I preferred a request
that it would fix the place where it wished me to
reside, and select such troops as it might think
proper to form the escort that was to attend me to
the place of embarkation. It fixed on a point in
the bay of Mexico for my embarkation, and gave
me for escort five hundred men, whom I wished to
be taken from among those that had seceded from

89

their allegiance to me, and to be commanded by the
Brigadier Bravo, whom I also selected from my
opponents*, in order to convince them that he who
now surrendered his arms, and placed himself in the
hands of those persons whose treachery he had al-
ready experienced, had not avoided meeting them
in the field through any personal fear.

On the day fixed for my departure from Mexico,
the people prevented me from leaving it. When
the army calling itself (for what reason it knew not)
the liberating army, made its entry, there were none
of those demonstrations which usually evince a fa-
vourable reception. The superior officers were
obliged to post the troops through the capital, and
to plant artillery at the principal approaches. In the
towns through which I passed, (which were but a
few, as it was so managed that I should be con-

* Of the troops who were then with me at Tacubaya, I took
• with me only two men from each company, and this I did merely
for the purpose of giving them a proof of my gratitude, and to
appease the enthusiasm of the rest. It was the only means by
which I could persuade them to let me proceed wilh the escort
which had been appointed by the Congress.

90

ducted with as much privacy as possible from one
hacienda* to another,)! was received with ringing of
bells, and notwithstanding the harshness with which
they were treated by my escort, the inhabitants
crowded anxiously to see me, and to bestow upon
me the most sincere proofs of their attachment and
respect.

After my departure from Mexico, the new go-
vernment was obliged to resort to force in order to
prevent the people from crying out my name ; and
when the Marquis of Vivanco, as General-in-Chief,
harangued the troops whom I left at Tacubaya, he
had the dissatisfaction to hear them shout *' live
Agustin the First ! " and to see that they listened
to his address with contempt. These, and a thou-
sand other incidents which might appear too trifling
if they were particularized, fully demonstrate that it
was not the general will which effected my separa-
tion from the supreme command.

* A hacienda means in English an estate, but an estate in
Mexico consists generally of a large tract of territory, which is
thinly settled by the proprietor for his agricultural purposes.

91

I had already said that the moment I should
discover that my continuance at the head of affairs
tended to interrupt the pubUc tranquillity, I
should cheerfully descend from the throne ; and
that if the nation should choose a form of go-
vernment v^hich in my view might be preju-
dicial, I would not contribute to its establish-
ment, because it is not consistent with my prin-
ciples to act contrary to what I think conducive to
the general welfare. But on the other hand, I
added, that I would not oppose it, and that my only
alternative would be to abandon my country. I
said this in October, 1821, to the first junta of go-
vernment ; and I repeated it frequently to the Con-
gress *, to the Instituent Junta, to the troops, and
to several individuals, both in private and in public.
The case for which I had provided arrived ; I com-
plied with my word, and I have only to thank my
enemies for having afforded me an opportunity of

* I always spoke with frankness to the Congress ; witness my
address to that body, after it was re-instated on my resignation of
the throne. See Appendix, No. XIII.

92

unequivocally shewing that my language was always
in unison with my intentions *.

The greatest sacrifice which I made, has been
that of abandoning for ever a country so dear to
my heart, which still retains an idolized father
whose advanced age rendered it impossible to
bring him with me, a sister whom I cannot think
of without regret, and kinsmen, and many a friend
who were the companions of my infancy and youth,
and whose converse formed in better days the hap-
piness of my life !

Mexicans ! this production will reach your hands.

* Conformably to my principles, I refused to place myself at
the head of the last revolution, though I was invited to do so by
its principal leaders; amongst whom it will be sufficient to men-
tion Negrete, Cortazar, and Vivanco. Had I acted according to
their suggestion, I might have retained the supreme command
under one name or another ; and if I were actuated by ambition
I would have done so. Circumstances afforded me many oppor-
tunities of accomplishing any ambitious purpose, but public affairs
became hateful to me ; my duties oppressed me ; and, finally, I
thought it inconsistent with the interests of rpy country that 1
should place myself at the head of that party.

93

Its principal object is to shew you that your best
friend has never deceived the affection and confi-
dence which you prodigally bestowed upon him.
My gratitude to you shall cease only with my latest
breath. When you instruct your children in the
history of our common country, tell them betimes
to think with kindness of the first Chief of the army
of the Three Guarantees ; and if by any chance my
children should stand in need of your protection,
remember that their father spent the best season
of his life in labouring for your welfare ! Receive
my last adieus, and may every happiness await
you!

At my country-house in the vicinity
of Leghorn, 27th Sept, 1823.

94

POSTSCRIPT.

Not having been allowed, as I had intended,
to print this work in Tuscany, the time that has
elapsed since I finished it, has afforded me an op-
portunity to observe that the events which have
taken place in Mexico, since my departure, fully
confirm every thing which I have said with respect
to the Congress. It has been seen endeavouring to
prolong the term of its functions, in order to engross
all the diflferent branches of power, and to form a
constitution according to its own pleasure ; a pro-
ceeding inconsistent with the limited authority
which has been delegated to it, and demonstrative
of its contempt for the public voice, and for the
decisive representations addressed to it from the
provinces, desiring that it should confine itself
to the formation of a new convocatoria. Hence,
it has happened that the provinces, in order to
force the Congress to compliance, have taken such
strong steps as even with force of arms to refuse to
obey its ordinances, and those of the government

95

which it has_created. This fact is an unequivocal
proof of the bad opinion which the people entertain
of the majority of the deputies. A new Congress
necessarily requires time and expense ; and, there-
fore, it may be inferred, that the people never
would have adopted the idea of forming such a Con-
gress, if they looked upon the majority of the pre-
sent deputies as wise, temperate, and virtuous le-
gislators, or if the proceedings of those deputies,
since their re-instatement in the sanctuary of the
laws, had been conformable to the general welfare,
instead of being subservient to their own ambitious
and sinister designs.

London^ January., 1824,

I

j

I

^

II

APPENDIX OF DOCUMENTS.

H

APPENDIX OF DOCUMENTS.

No. I.

PLAN OF IGUALA.

Art. 1. The Mexican nation is independent of the
Spanish nation, and of every other, even on its own Con-
tinent.

Art. 2. Its religion shall be the Catholic, which all its
inhabitants profess.

Art. 3. They shall be all united, without any distinc-
tion between Americans and Europeans.

Art. 4. The government shall be a constitutional mo-
narchy.

Art. 5. A junta shall be named, consisting of. indivi-
duals who enjoy the highest reputation in the different
parties which have shewn themselves.

Art. 6. This junta shall be under the presidency of his
Excellency the Count del Venadito, the present Viceroy
of Mexico.

H 2

100

APPENDIX.

Art. 7. It shall govern in the name of the nation, ac-
cording to the laws now in force, and its principal bu-
siness will be to convoke, according to such rules as it
shall deem expedient, a congress for the formation of a
constitution more suitable to the country.

Art. 8. His Majesty Ferdinand VII. shall be invited
to the throne of the empire, and in case of his refusal,
the Infantes Don Carlos and Don Francisco de Paula.

Art. 9. Should his Majesty Ferdinand VII. and his
august brothers decline the invitation, the nation is at
liberty to invite to the imperial throne any member of
reigning families whom it may select.

Art. 10. The formation of the constitution by the
congress, and the oath of the emperor to observe it, must
precede his entry into the country.

Art. 11. The distinction of castes is abolished, which
was made by the Spanish law, excluding them from the
rights of citizenship. All the inhabitants of the country
are citizens, and equal, and the door of advancement is
open to virtue and merit.

Art. 12. An army shall be formed for the support of
religion, independence, and union, guaranteeing these
three principles, and therefore it shall be called the army
of the three guarantees.

Art. 13. It shall solemnly swear to defend the funda-
mental bases of this plan.

APPENDIX. 101

Art. 14. It shall strictly observe the military ordi-
nances now in force.

Art. 15. There shall be no other promotions than
those which are due to seniority, or which shall be ne-
cessary for the good of the service.

Art. 16. This army shall be considered as of the line.

Art. 17. The old partisans of independence who shall
immediately adhere to this plan, shall be considered as
individuals of this army.

Art. 18. The patriots and peasants who shall adhere
to it hereafter, shall be considered as provincial militia-
men.

Art. 19. The secular and regular priests shall be con-
tinued in the state in which they now are.

Art. 20. All the public functionaries, civil, ecclesias-
tical, political, and military, who adhere to the cause of
independence, shall be continued in their offices, without
any distinction between Americans and Europeans.

Art. 21. Those functionaries, of whatever degree and
condition, who dissent from the cause of independence,
shall be divested of their offices, and shall quit the terri-
tory of the empire, taking with them their families and
their effects.

Art. 22. The military commandants shall regulate

I ^

102 APPENDIX.

themselves according to the general instructions in con-
formity with this plan, which shall be transmitted to
them.

Art. 23. No accused person shall be condemned capi-
tally by the military commandants. Those accused of
treason against the nation, which is the next greatest
crime after that of treason to the Divine Ruler, shall be
conveyed to the fortress of Barrabas, where they shall
remain until the congress shall resolve on the punish-
ment which ought to be inflicted on them.

Art. 24. It being indispensable to the country that
this plan should be carried into effect, in as much as the
welfare of that country is its object, every individual of
the army shall maintain it, to the shedding (if it be ne-
cessary) of the last drop of his blood.

Town of Igualay
2'ith February, 1821.

APPENDIX. 103

No. II.

TREATY OF CORDOVA.

Treaty concluded in the Town of Cordova on the 24th of
August, 1821, between Don Juan O'Donnoju, Lieu"
tenant-General of the Armies of Spain, and Don
Augustin de Iturbide, First Chief of the Imperial
Mexican Army of the *' Three Guarantees."

New Spain having declared herself independent of the
mother country ; possessing an army to support this de-
claration ; her provinces having decided in its favour ;
the capital wherein the legitimate authority had been
deposed being besieged ; the cities of Vera Cruz and
Acapulco alone remaining to the European government
ungarrisoned, and without the means of resisting a well
directed siege of any duration, Lieut.-Gen. Don Juan
0*Donnoju arrived at the first-named port in the character
and quality of Captain General and first political chief of
this kingdom, appointed by his most Catholic Majesty,
and being desirous of avoiding the evils that necessarily
fall upon the people in changes of this description, and
of reconciling the interests of Old and New Spain,
he invited the First Chief of the imperial army, Don
Augustin de Iturbide to an interview in order to dis-
cuss the great question of independence, disentangling
without destroying the bonds which had connected the
two Continents. This interview took place in the town
of Cordova, on the 24th of August, 1821, and the former
under the character with which he came invested, and
the latter as representing the Mexican empire, having

104 APPENDIX.

conferred at large upon the interests of each nation,
looking to their actual condition and to recent occur-
rences, agreed to the following Articles, which they
signed in duplicate, for their better preservation, each
party keeping an original for greater security and va-
lidity.

1st. This kingdom of America shall be recognised as
a sovereign and independent nation ; and shall, in future,
be called the Mexican Empire.

2d. The government of the empire shall be monarchi-
cal, limited by a constitution.

3d. Ferdinand VII., catholic king of Spain, shall, in
the first place, be called to the throne of the Mexican
Empire, (on taking the oath prescribed in the 10th Article
of the plan,) and on his refusal and denial, his brother,
the most serene infante Don Carlos ; on his refusal and
denial, the most serene infante Don Francisco de Paula ;
on his refusal and denial, the most serene Don Carlos
Luis, infante of Spain, formely heir of Tuscany, now of
Lucca ; and upon his renunciation and denial, the person
whom the cortes of the empire shall designate,

4th. The emperor shall fix his court in Mexico, which
shall be the capital of the empire.

5th. Two commissioners shall be named by his excel-
lency Seiior O'Donnoju, and these shall proceed to the
court of Spain, and place in the hands of his Majesty
king Ferdinand VII., a copy of this treaty, and a memo-

APPENDIX. 105

rial which shall accompany it, for the purpose of afTording
information to his Majesty with respect to antecedent cir-
cumstances, whilst the cortes of the empire offer him the
crown with all the formalities and guarantees which a
matter of so much importance requires ; and they sup-
plicate his Majesty, that on the occurrence of the case
provided for in Article 3, he would be pleased to commu-
nicate it to the most serene infantes called to the crown
in the same article, in the order in which they are
so named ; and that his Majesty would be pleased to
interpose his influence and prevail on one of the mem-
bers of his august family to proceed to this empire, inas-
much as the prosperity of both nations would be thereby
promoted, and as the Mexicans would feel satisfaction
in thus strengthening the bands of friendship, with
which they may be, and wish to see themselves, united to
the Spaniards.

6th. Conformably to the spirit of the " Plan of
Iguala," an assembly shall be immediately named, com-
posed of men the most eminent in the empire for their
virtues, their station, rank, fortune, and influence ; men
marked out by the general opinion, whose number may be
sufficiently considerable to insure by their collective know-
ledge the safety of the resolutions which they may take
in pursuance of the powers and authority granted them
by the following articles.

7th. The assembly mentioned in the preceding article
shall be called the " Provisional Junta of Government."

8th. Lieutenant-General Don Juan O'Donnoju shall be

106 APPENDIX.

a member of the Provisional Junta of Government, in
consideration of its being expedient that a person of his
rank should take an active and immediate part in the
government, and of the indispensable necessity of
excluding some of the individuals mentioned in the above
Plan of Iguala, conformably to its own spirit.

9th. The Provisional Junta of Government shall have
a president elected by itself from its own body, or from
without it, to be determined by the absolute plurality of
votes ; and if on the first scrutiny the votes be found
equal, a second scrutiny shall take place, which shall
embrace those two who shall have received the greatest
number of votes.

10th. The first act of the Provisional Junta shall be
the drawing up of a manifesto of its installation, and the
motives of its assemblage, together with whatever ex-
planations it may deem convenient and proper for the
information of the country, with respect to the public
interests, and the mode to be adopted in the election of
deputies for the cortes, of which more shall be said
hereafter.

11th. The Provisional Junta of Government after the
election of its president, shall name a regency composed
of three persons selected from its own body, or from
without it, in whom shall be vested the executive power,
and who shall govern in the name and on behalf of the
monarch till the vacant throne be filled.

12th. The Provisional Junta as soon as it is installed,

APPENDIX. 107

shall govern ad i/iterijn according to the existing laws,
so l^r as they may not be contrary to the *' Plan of
Iguala," and until the cortes shall have framed the con-
stitution of the state.

13th. The regency immediately on its nomination,
shall proceed to the convocation of the cortes in the
manner which shall be prescribed by the Provisional
Junta of Government, conformably to the spirit of Article
No. 7, in the aforesaid '' Plan."

14th. The executive power is vested in the regency,
and the legislative in the cortes ; but as some time must
elapse before the latter can assemble, and in order that
the executive and legislative powers should not remain
in the hands of one body, the junta shall be empowered
to legislate ; in the first place, where cases occur which
are too pressing to wait till the assemblage of the cortes,
and then the junta shall proceed in concert with the
regency ; and, in the second place, to assist the regency
in its determinations in the character of an auxiliary and
consultative body.

15th. Every individual who is domiciled amongst any
community, shall, on an alteration taking place in the
system of government, or on the country passing under
the dominion of another prince, be at full liberty to re-
move himself, together with his effects, to whatever
country he chooses, without any person having the right
to deprive him of such liberty, unless he have contracted
some obligation with the community to which he had
belonged, by the commission of a crime, or by any other

108 APPENDIX.

of those modes which publicists have laid down ; this
applies to the Europeans residing in New Spain, and to
the Americans residing in the Peninsula. Consequently
it will be at their option to remain, adopting either coun-
try, or to demand their passports, (which cannot be
denied them,) for permission to leave the kingdom at
such time as may be appointed before-hand, carrying
with them their families and property ; but paying on
the latter the regular export duties now in force, or
which may hereafter be established by the competent
authority.

16th. The option granted in the foregoing article
shall not extend to persons in public situations, whether
civil or military, known to be disaffected to Mexican
independence ; such persons shall necessarily quits the
empire within the time which shall be allotted by the
regency, taking with them their effects after having paid
the duties, as stated in the preceding article.

17th. The occupation of the capital by the Peninsular
troops being an obstacle to the execution of this treaty,
it is indispensable to have it removed. But as the Com-
mander-in-Chief of the imperial army fully participating
in the sentiments of the Mexican nation, does not wish
to attain this object by force, for which, however, he has
more than ample means at his command, notwithstand-
ing the known valour and constancy of the Peninsular
troops, who are not in a situation to maintain them-
selves against the system adopted by the nation at
large, Don Juan O'Donnoju agrees to exercise his autho-
rity for the evacuation of the capital by the said troops

APPENDIX. 109

without loss of blood, and upon the tcrn.s of an honoura-
ble capitulation.

Agustin de Iturbide,
Juan O'Donnoju.
(A true copy.)

Jose Domixouez.
Dated in the Town of Cordoim^
2Ath August, 1821.

No. III.

DECREE OF THE CORTES AT MADRID.

In the Session of 13th February, the Extraordinary
Cortes at Madrid approved of the following Articles.

1st. The cortes declare that what is styled the Treaty
of Cordova between General O'Donnoju and the chief of
the mal-contents of New Spain, Don Augustin de Itur-
bide, as well as any other act or stipulation involving the
recognition of Mexican independence by the aforesaid
General , are illegal , null , and void, as respects the Spanish
government and its subjects.

2d. That the Spanish government by an official com-
munication to all such powers as are in amicable rela-
tions with it, shall declare that the Spanish nation will
at all times consider as a violation of existing treaties,
the partial or absolute recognition of the independence
of the Spanish American colonies, seeing that the dis-

110/ APPENDIX.

ciissions pending between some of them and the mother
country are not yet concluded ; and that the Spanish
government in the fullest manner shall testify to foreign
powers, that hitherto, Spain has not renounced any one
of the rights which she possesses over the aforesaid
colonies.

3d. That government be charged to preserve, by all
possible means, and reinforce with all speed, those
points in the American provinces which still remain
united with the mother country, obedient to her autho-
rity, and opposed to the ma! -contents ; proposing to the
cortes such resources as it may require, and which it has
not at its own disposal.

No. IV.

ITURBIDE'S PROCLAMATION.

Mexicans ! As a fellow-citizen desirous of the preser-
vation of order, and anxious for your welfare infinitely
more than for my own, I address myself to you. Politi-
cal changes and alterations in the government of states
produce no evils when the people are guided by that
prudence and moderation which you have ever displayed.

The army and the inhabitants of this city have just
taken a decisive step ; to the rest of the nation it apper-
tains either to approve or reject it. As for me, at this
moment, I can do no more than feel grateful for their
determination, and beg of you, yes, fellow-citizens, I

II

APPENDIX. Ill

beseech you (for Mexicans nood not my command,) to
repress any violence of passion, to forget all resent-
ments, and to respect the authorities ; for a peoi)le
without authorities, or which possessing, treads them
under foot, is a monster. (Ah ! let none of my friends
incur the appellation !) Let us wait for a time of
greater tranquillity before we irrevocably decide on our
system and our destiny ; it will speedily arrive. The
whole nation is the country ; its deputies this day repre-
sent it ; let us hear them ; let us not prove a scandal to
the world ; fear not that you shall be led astray by listen-
ing to my advice 1 The will of the people is the law ;
there is nothing superior to it. Listen to me, and give
me this last proof of your attachment, which is all that
I look for, and the height of my ambition. I dictate
these words with my heart on my lips ; do me the justice
to believe me sincere and your best friend,

Iturbide.

No. V.

MANIFESTO OF THE CONGRESS.

The Constituent Congress to the Mexican Nation.

Mexicans ! Your representatives address you for the
first time, to announce to you the extraordinary event
which has decided the destiny of the empire of Anahuac,
whose emancipation is accomplished, since it has pleased
the Supreme Being to restore to its inhabitants that
liberty which he gave them at their birth, availing him-

112 APPENDIX.

self of an individual of extraordinary endowments in
order to perfect the enterprise. You are all well ac-
quainted with the " Plan of Iguala," with which Senor
Don Augustin de Iturbide began this great work ; and
also with the treaty of Cordova, celebrated between him
and the Spanish General Don Juan O'Donnoju, which
gave to that plan its perfection, although indeed, at the
date of the treaty, the nation had already almost entirely
formed its decision.

Events so propitious could not have taken place had
they not been the result of the unanimity of public opi-
nion, which, by reconciling jarring interests, renewed in
our nature that love of liberty, the choicest gift of Heaven,
of which no man can justly be deprived, much less a
nation like our's, which, after patiently enduring for
three centuries, to its great detriment, a distant and
inauspicious government, was still anxious, when throw-
ing off its yoke, to be governed by its former kings and
their family, calling them to the new throne of the
empire of Mexico.

Conduct at once so open and so noble, ought not to have
awakened the suspicions of the Spanish nation, but un-
fortunately, whilst you relied on the goodness of your
intentions and the faith of a treaty, the Spanish govern-
ment adopting a line of policy scarcely conceivable,
looked upon the proceedings of the Mexicans as acts of
infidelity and treason. Hence, their measures for aug-
menting the garrisons at the Havana and San Juan de
Ulua, and^their (i;jitensive military preparations in that
fortress. Hence it is, that not content with continual

APPENDIX. 11*5

threats against your security and repose, their aggres-
sions have gone so far as to raise (though in vain) against
the empire those very troops who have already capitu-
lated, and who are permitted to live in the country under
the protection of treaties. They have even gone so far
as to endeavour to seduce our illustrious chiefs by pro-
mises and threats, which have proved as unsuccessful as
they were treacherous. Hence ultimately sprung that
decree of the Spanish cortes in their session of the
12th and 13th February last, the object of which is to
disavow the treaty of Cordova, and every other treaty
whatsoever between the Spanish commanders and the
governments of America, declaring all such acts to be
null and of no effect ; and adding, that the government
should acquaint all other powers that it would deem
any total or partial recognition of our independence as
a violation of treaties.

Such, Mexicans, has been the result of that modera-
tion which is stamped on the pages of the famous
*' Plan'* of the hero of Iguala ; such are the means
which the Spanish government chooses to employ in its
operations, to the great danger of the internal harmony
and tranquillity of this country, by sowing the seeds of
discord among you, and exciting suspicions against those
citizens who have your liberties most at heart, on ac-
count of a difference of opinion as to the future conduct
of Spain and of other European powers.

But this difference of sentiment, originating as it did
in sound and healthy principles, gave great strength to

I

114 APPENDIX.

public opinion, when it was seen that Spain had annulled
the treaty of Cordova ; and the army and people suddenly
breaking silence at 11 o'clock on the night of the 18th
instant, saluted the generalissimo Don Agustin de Itur-
bide as emperor of Mexico, solemnizing the procla-
mation with salutes of artillery, with music, and joy-
bells, and passing the whole night in festivity. Seiior
Iturbide on the same night issued a proclamation, and
at nine o'clock on the morning of the following day your
congress assembled ; citizens of all classes thronging the
avenues, and calling for an immediate confirmation of
their choice.

The congress endeavoured to prepare, by all means in
its power, for the discussion of so important a question,
but the vehement cries of the people increasing every
moment, convinced it of the necessity of taking into con-
sideration the dignity and imprescriptible rights of the
Mexican nation ; which, if it were generous enough to
offer the throne to the reigning family of Spain, was
very far from imagining that such an offer would have
been flung back with disgrace and dishonour. Annulled
therefore, as the treaty of Cordova was by that nation,
the compact was broken, and the rights of those who
were invited to the throne, according to the third Article,
ceased, while the good faith of the Mexicans remained
inviolate and pure. The congress was thus at full
liberty to exert the powers marked out in the same arti-
cle, the more especially if it be considered that when
nations constitute themselves anew, no one possesses a
legitimate title to obtain or solicit the supremacy of its

APPENDIX. 115

government, but the person proclaimed by the will of the
nation.

These principles are too manifest and clear to have re-
mained hidden from the Spanish nation, w^hich has known
how to vindicate and compel the restoration of its natural
rights which were usurped from it in the course of time by
arbitrary power. And why ignorance should be pretended
with reference to Mexican rights, by a government which
is itself the offspring of an enlightened age, that does
not permit tyranny, is beyond conception. Is it reason-
able and just that the mother country should enjoy the
plenitude of her rights and liberties, and that it should
be denied to hapless America, to obtain such inestimable
prerogatives, to which she is called by the maturity of
her age, her position, her wishes, her interests, nay,
even by the interests of Spain itself? And during such
proceedings, useless perhaps to the nation that under-
takes them, shall we allow ourselves to remain exposed to
the dangerous vacillations of an unsettled form of govern-
ment ; shall we allow public opinion to remain divided,
and the torch of discord to be kindled among us to the
desolation of the unhappy land of Anahuac,which has been
already scourged for twelve long years by intestine war?

No, Mexicans ; your congress has determined to dis-
charge the trust you have reposed in them in a manner
more worthy of your confidence ; and not to hesitate be-
tween the refusal of Spain on the one hand and the hap-
piness of your country on the other. Looking to that
great object in the first moment of their political exist-

I 8

116 APPENDIX. •

ence, and anxious that their country should hold its rank
among the great nations, they proclaimed Senor Don
Agustin de Iturbide constitutional emperor thereof ; for
as he had been the liberator of his country he would also
be its best defender.

The gratitude of the nation demanded this ; the unani-
mous wishes of many towns and provinces long and im-
peratively called for it ; the people of Mexico and the
army which occupied it, clearly and positively expressed
the same sentiments.

The moderation of the hero of Iguala had previously
discountenanced similar attempts from a faithful respect
for the treaty which he had concluded ; after those at-
tempts failed, if he still refused, even on the 19th to
take upon him the arduous burthen of so exalted a sta-
tion, his resistance would have been useless in proportion
to the difficulty of concealing his virtues and his glory
which had^elevated him to such a station.

His love of liberty, his disinterestedness, his dexterity
and political skill in uniting conflicting interests, his
capability in affairs of state, were so many attractions
to call forth your admiration, and to excite the interest
and affection which you have professed for his person
from the time he commenced his glorious career.

Mexicans, you have now on the imperial throne
Iturbide the- Great, the object of your ardent wishes;
not to exercise over you an absolute authority such as

APPENDIX. 117

was exercised by the ancient Spanish monarchs, but to
perform towards you the kind offices of a father towards
his children ; to administer the government according to
the laws and constitution which your congress will dic-
tate ; — to protect the weak ; — to cause equal justice to
he administered ; — to preserve the integrity of the em-
pire, and maintain in full force the Roman Catholic
Apostolic religion without the toleration of any other.
Thus hath he sworn this day before the great King of
kings and of nations, setting forth in his speech to your
representatives his abhorrence of tyranny, and his re-
spect for the laws ; protesting in the most solemn man-
ner his wish to die rather than to fail in duties so sacred,
and proclaiming the principle of the sovereignty of the
people ; and that the latter were not made for kings and
princes, but princes and kings for them.

A compendious statement of this great event, together
with its motives and the considerations attending it, has
now been laid before you. The congress hopes that you
will direct your most fervent prayers to heaven, that the
individual elected may discharge his arduous duties
under the protection of the most High.

The other nations will confess the justice and necessity
which pointed out to the people of Mexico the way to
guide them to the perfection of their government, in
order to fix at once the destiny of this empire. And the
Mexican nation disposed to recognise the rights of other
countries, will not be deceived in its hopes ; for good
faith and simple dealing being its polar star, these prin-

118 APPENDIX.

ciples will form the basis of its intercourse, and Spain
herself will find amongst us her best allies, if adopting a
line of policy equally useful to both nations, she re-
cognises and respects our rights.

Francisco Cantarines, President,

Jose Ygnacio Gutierrez, Deputy, ") ™ .

Francisco Rivas, Deputy, J

Mexico, 2\st May, 1822,
In the 2d year of the independence of the eynpire.

No. VI.

DECREE OF CONGRESS.

The Sovereign Constituent Congress of Mexico at the
Sitting of yesterday decreed the following : — -

1st. That the coronation of Don Agustin de Iturbide
having been the work of force and violence, and legally
null, no discussion can take place upon his abdication of
the crown.

2d. Consequently it declares also the hereditary suc-
cession and the titles emanating from the crown to be
null ; and that all acts of the government from the 19th
May to the 29th March last are illegal, and subject to
the revision of the present government, which may
confirm or revoke them.

APPENDIX. 110

3d. The supreme executive power of Mexico will
hasten the departure of Don Agustin de Iturbide from
the territory of the nation.

4th. The embarkation shall take place from a port in
the Gulf of Mexico, by a peutral vessel, to conduct him
and his family at the expense of the state whithersoever
he may wish.

5th. During the life of Don Agustin de Iturbide,
he shall receive a pension of 25,000 dollars, (about
5,000/.) annually, payable in this capital, on condition
that he establish his residence in some part of Italy.
After his death his family will enjoy the sum of 8,000
dollars annually, according to the established regulations
in such cases for military pensions.

6th. Don Agustin de Iturbide shall receive the title
of Excellency.

The supreme executive power is to take due notice
hereof, and is charged with the fulfilment of this decree,
and to cause the same to be printed, published, and made
known.

LicENciADO JosE Mariano Marin, Preside7it.

Florentino Martinez, Deputy, ? o ^, , •
Gabriel de Iorres, Deputy, 5

Mexico, 8th April, 1823, the third year
of Indepe?idence, and the second of Libei'ty.

To Don Jose Vgnacio Garcia Yllueca.

120 APPENDIX.

No. VIL

DECLARATION OF CONGRESS.

The Congress solemnly declares that at no time \yas
there any right to bind the Mexican nation to subject
itself to any law or treaty, unless by its own consent, or
that of its representatives appointed according to the
public right of free nations. Therefore the Plan of
Iguala and the treaty of Cordova do not subsist as to the
form of government and the invitation given ; and the
nation is at full liberty to constitute itself according to
the form of government that suits it best.

Mexico, 8th April, 1823.

No. VIII.

Official Report of the Fiscal Colonel Don Francisco de
Paula Alvarez, on the Sumaria, which by order of
the Government, he undertook against various in-
dividuals, of different classes, taken up on suspicion
of being engaged in a conspiracy against the
Government and the Emperor.

Excellent Sir,

I this day forward to his excellency the captain-
general of the province, the Sumaria, the formation of
which was intrusted to me through your excellency by

APPENDIX. \'2\

command of his Majesty, in order to ascertain the facts
which at the latter end of last August, gave rise to the
imprisonment of various individuals of all classes sus-
pected of treason. I have endeavoured to clear up the
truth, as far as possible, without exceeding the limits
of my commission, by assuming powers, which I have
not received, and in the view I take of the case it only
remains for me to submit to your Excellency the result
of my inquiries.

The first thing to be done on these occasions, is to
find out the criminal object in view, for if the conspiracy
be not sufficiently known, the conspirators cannot be dis-
covered. The information was so circumstantial, the do-
cuments and evidence brought before me led to disclo-
sures so convincing, that government, without incurring
the charge of apathy, indolence, or criminality, could
not avoid taking immediate and efficacious measures,
seeing that the public tranquillity was endangered.

The declaration of Don Lucian Velazques, folio 1,
packet No. 1, that of Don Adrian Oviedo, folio 2, im-
mediately following the former ; the original letter of
Don Anastasio Zerezero, folio 10, of the same packet,
the minutes, folio 12, following the same, and the list
of chiefs concerned in the affair in the continuation of
these minutes, pointed out the way to the establishment
of the criminal purpose. The second declaration of Don
Jose Maria Bustamante, folio 22, in continuation of the
aforesaid packet, and that of Don Jose Rafael Gonzalez,
folio 17 of the same, afford a full and legal proof that the
project of a conspiracy existed : this is sufficient to jus-

122

APPENDIX.

tify the government, considering its proceedings in the
abstract; and indeed a sufficient justification appears in
the documents already cited, even if we confine ourselves
to those relating to individuals in particular. It v^as not
sufficient that they should be merely named in an informa-
tion, in order to warrant the apprehension of several of
them, especially those who enjoy particular privileges, as
happens to be the case with such as are deputies or eccle-
siastics ; but as the public safety is the first care of the
government, as soon as it becomes endangered, all other
reasons of prudence, circumspection, and even the fear of
committing violence, ought to possess no influence. The
man of virtue, if such he really be, and if he loves his
country, sacrifices, on these occasions, his own parti-
cular rights, and cheerfully submits to the precautionary
measures which are deemed necessary, whatever incon-
venience may arise to his own person. And, in truth,
many of these parties involved in the charge, are found
to be privileged persons.

Against Doctor Mier is the evidence of the note written
in his own hand-writing, in the paper called *' The
Friend of Peace," as found in folio 26, of packet No. 2 ;
it is also a circumstance against him that he had at-
tended two meetings, one of them in his own house,
where the project of the conspiracy was discussed, with
other circumstances relating thereto, which is proved
by the declaration of Oviedo, folio 6 and 8 of packet
No. 1, as also by that of Zerezero, folio 63 and 80, by
Anaya, p. 82, and the subsequent pages, by the com-
parison of all these documents with each other, and
of each of them with the said document, folios 37, 39,

APPENDIX. 123

40, 44, 49, and 50, packet No. 4. It is in evidence
against him, (and this is the general charge against the
whole of them) that he has impeded the course of justice,
concealed the truth in his declarations, and evaded the
first questions put to him. He at first denied that the
note in the journal had any other object than mere
curiosity; and when pressed upon the subject of the
context, he gives a solution extremely unsatisfactory,
page 27, packet 2. He knows not how this document
in question got out of his possession, page 27, ibid.,
and yet afterwards he is convicted of having sent it
to Victoria, page 26, packet 4. In his declaration he
denies any knowledge of the replies given to the ques-
tions of Oviedo, page 21, packet 2, and in his con-
frontation with this person, page 41, with Zerezero, page
45, packet 4, with Anaya, page 50, ibid., he becomes
convicted, and confesses that he was the author of them
and that Zerezero had written them. He asserts in his
declaration that he has held no correspondence on
political subjects, and at folio 90, packet 2, he acknow-
ledges the correctness of a copy of a letter written by
him to his nephew Don Francisco de Mier, framed in
alarming and revolutionary terms. He is ignorant that
they had named a chief for the revolution, and yet in con-
fronting him with Oviedo, Zerezero, and Anaya, pages
37, 43, and 49, packet 4, not only is he convicted but
even confesses that he gave his vote to Anaya, and on
this person refusing the nomination, he urged and begged
him to agree to it, as appears from the deposition of
Zerezero, fol. 63, packet 4. The paragraph copied in the
examination, p. 90, from one of the letters opened in my
presence, proves also that he held a mysterious correspon-

124 APPENDIX.

dence, in which he endeavoured to discredit the govern-
ment.

The official letter of Don Manuel Rincon, page 1,
packet 1 , and the consequent steps taken in pages follow-
ing, prove completely that from the time of his entering
the empire, he endeavoured to spread the seeds of republi-
canism, and did every thing in his power to dispose the
public mind towards it, and no excuse for those steps is
derivable from what he states, folio 25 and 26, and re-
peats in p. 26, on the other side, packet No. 2, of having
held such conversation previously to the election of the
emperor, for it appears at p. 4 and 8, packet 1, that he
already knew of the election, adding that he had been a
free man but for one night : besides also the great noto-
rity of his opinions in favour of republicanism should
justify his arrest. He also denied in his declaration,
page 23, packet 2, his having confided in the assist-
ance of his nephew Ugartechea, and his having expected
to find an asylum in the house of Gallegos, whilst the
first circumstance is proved, p. 39, packet 4, and the
latter, p. 44, ibid. In a word, this priestly deputy has
been one of the principal agents of the projected con-
spiracy, and has not told the truth which he had pro-
mised to speak under the solemn obligation of an oath.
The declaration of lieut. -colonel Don Manuel Fernandez
Aguado, p. 4, packet 2, should also be kept in mind
with respect to this deputy.

Don Juan Pablo Anaya, likewise a member of the
Congress, confesses in his declaration, p. 82, and the
following pages, of packet 2, that he was one of the most

APPENDIX. 125

active of those bent on the projected scheme of alterinc^
the system, endeavouring to shew, notwithstanding his
having confessed that his opinion was for a republican
form of government, p. 83, packet 2, that his only ob-
ject was to support the Congress, as if it were lawful for
a citizen to form parties and clandestine meetings, with
a view to the application of force, in any case already
existing, or which might exist. And as if it could be
said that a man acted rightly, who knows and yet con-
ceals that in the provinces there are bodies disposed, and
citizens labouring to subvert the established system of
government. Such knowledge he possessed respecting
the province of Puebla, p. 18, packet 4, of that of Vera
Cruz, same page, and of some inland provinces, p. 65,
packet 2. A man who confesses that he was invited to
be the chief of a faction, by three or four others, to
whom no other name can be given than that of revolu-
tionists, and who at the same time acknowledges that he
refused the command, fully evinces the idea which he
must himself have entertained of such a nomination :
even their very care in skreening themselves from the
vigilance of the police in their meetings, shews clearly
that they looked upon themselves as culprits. What was
the purpose of the small triangular pieces of paper ?
See p. 20, packet 4, and p. 83, packet 2. And whence
the fears for the near neighbourhood of the Licenciado
Quintano? See p. 29, ibid. Why the assignation in
the street of Trapaleros, at night, and why those pre-
cautions which are necessary only for a criminal ? See
p. 23, ibid. Why conceal the presentation of Oviedo,
made by Zerezero, and the explanation of the object of
his coming to the capital ? See p. 82, packet 2. And

126 APPENDIX.

above all, what greater proof of a guilty conscience, than
the information given to the artillery and different friends
that the Congress wsls about to be surprised ? See p. 21,
packet 4. What clearer proof could be adduced than his
concealing himself for many days, until he was unable
longer to remain hidden from the vigilance of a zealous
government ? What stronger proof then could be given
against him, than that it was necessary to extract the truth
from him by the evidence of self-conviction ? Analyze this
man's declaration and compare it with those of the other
witnesses, pp. 17, 22, 24, and 26, packet 4, and observe
the discrepancies between the former and the latter.
The declaration of lieutenant-colonel Don Manuel Fer-
nandez Aguado, p. 22, packet 4, affords further evidence
for condemning this individual. Before proceeding to
take notice of other criminals, who are as greatly so as
the two preceding persons, it seems to me proper to
conclude my opinion respecting the deputies.

There is well grounded, or what the law terms cogent
evidence against Don Carlos M. de Bustamante'; a wit-
ness, (Oviedo, p. 17, packet 1) says that it was intended
to form, in concert with Mier and Anaya, the plan of
revolution, and this last in his confrontation, p. 23,
packet 4, being pressed by the reasons of the for-
mer, and the minute indications which he gives of a
secret understanding, alleges no reason to the contrary,
but contents himself with a mere denial. On the other
hand, M. Bustamante's opinion are so well known as to
afford well-grounded suspicions to Government.

Don Juan de Dios Mayorga, is one of those cited by

APPENDIX. 127

the captain-general and political chief of Goatcmala,
p. 4, packet 2. This was sufficient to render him sus-
picious ; but he himself augments these suspicions by
his official letter to the minister, in same page, wherein
he styles himself diplomatic agent to a town in insur-
rection, and he cannot be considered in any other light
than a spy.

Don Jose Joaquin de Herrera, was discovered by the
letter of Zerezero, p. 10, packet 1 ; but this gentle-
man has given proofs, p. 79, and the following pages
of packet 2, p. 29, and the following pages of packet 3,
and p. 56, packet 4, respecting his correspondence,
and his refusal upon frivolous pretexts, to submit
to the orders of government, in matters of so much
importance. Even had those pretexts any foundation, he
might have reserved his right to use them in due time
against the proper parties, without opposing on his part
an obstacle to the steps which were taken for the dis-
covery of the real offenders, in order to enable the au-
thorities to inflict upon them immediate and ample jus-
tice. And as in these matters there are no minor de-
grees of offence, it follows according to my opinion, that
M. Herrera is guilty. Supposing he may have in his
favour the presumption to the contrary, he yet gives
room for believing, (and this is the information given
me), that he had knowledge of the intrigue, and between
him and the other persons accused there is no difference,
except that he was more fortunate in there being no legal
proofs of his delinquency.

Don Jose del Valle has against him the exposition of

128

APPENDIX.

Don Juan Gomez de Goatemala, p, 4, packet 2 : he is
no more than one witness, but he is unexceptionable on
account of being a person employed by government, and
he treats of public transactions, in which no one would
expose himself to refutation, because he may be so
easily contradicted. A man who has already put a pro-
vince into convulsions, has no right to be considered
among the number of peaceable citizens, lovers of vir-
tue, and friends to good order. The government, there-
fore, was right in securing his person, at a moment
that it entertained well-founded apprehensions of an ap-
proaching rebellion.

Fagoaga, Echenique, and Obregon are only^ named
by Oviedo, who asserts that he heard Yturribarria say,
that these would supply resources, p. 13, packet 1.
The same witness, and with reference also to what he
heard the same person say, names Mr. Fagle as one of
the deputies whose influence he counted upon ; these
are the only facts which appear throughout the Sumaria,
and which prove nothing against them.

The other deputies had only against them one auricu-
lar witness, p. 17, packet 1. This was sufficient to justify
their arrest, as a measure of precaution. Afterwards,
in the course of the proceedings it appeared, p. 65,
packet 2, from the declaration of Zerezero, p. 22, packet
4, and from Anaya in his confrontation with Oviedo,
that their opinions had rendered them suspected by the
government ; as, on that account, they had been marked
out among the conspirators, as persons to be relied upon
in the enterprise ; and if they merited such a reputation

APPENDIX. 120

among these latter, with what justice will they insist that
the first witness should not have possessed the same opi-
nion with regard to them ? Don Luis Yturribarria was
aware that Oviedo came, commissioned by the conspira-
tors of Puebia, for the purpose of intriguing with respect
to the revolution, through persons already acquainted with
it; and to name a Chief to direct the enterprise. Tiiis ap-
pears from the deposition of Oviedo, p. 8, packet 1 ; from
Zerezero's, p. 63, packet 2 ; and from his confession,
p. 28, packet 4. In order to arrange the matter, he collected
different persons at his house, p. 8, packet 1 ; at that of
the honourable Santamaria, p. 8, ibid. ; and in the street
of Trapaleros,p.9,z^2<^. These three meetings are proved:
the first, by the accused, p. 30, packet 4 ; by the Licen-
ciado Morales, p. 14 ; by Zerezero, pp. 8 and 9 ; and by
Oviedo in his declaration : the second, by the same
parties, except Morales, in the aforesaid pages : the
third, by the same parties as the second, with the ex-
ception of Zerezero, and with the addition of Juan Pa-
blo Anaya, p. 23. It appears, also, against the person
in question, that he assisted Oviedo with a dobloon
and five dollars for his journey to Puebia, and that
he was to provide him with two trumpets and two thou-
sand flints for the inhabitants of the plain of Apan, as
appears from his confession, p. 30, packet 4, and from
the deposition of Oviedo, pp. 9 and 10, of packet 1. Two
witnesses, Oviedo, p. 13, packet 1 , and Don Jose Joaquin
Morales, p. 16, ibid, affirm that he solicited ten or twelve
thousand dollars in order to commence the revolution.
Lastly, he has been guilty of perjury in his first declara-
tion, pp. 10 and 79, packet 2; in which he knows no-
thing of the questions put to him, having been convicted

K

130 APPENDIX.

in his confrontations with others ; and having ultimately
confessed many circumstances, of which he first pleaded
ignorance, p. 27 and the following, packet 4. He is,
therefore, guilty.

Don Anastasio Zerezero has acknowledged himself
the author of the letter to Don Luis Segura, p. 10,
packet 1 ; in which the plot of the conspiracy, the ob-
ject which they had in view, is discussed, together with
the means of accomplishing it, p. 12, packet 2. Zere-
zero was the first person in Mexico who became ac^
quainted with Oviedo's mission, p. 5, packet 1 ; and the
man who introduced him to Mier, to the Licenciado Mo-
rales, toYturribarria, and to Don Juan Pablo Anaya, p. 5,
and the following, packet 1. Zerezero, in his letter,
confesses himself a principal agent in the aff^air ; and
this individual, unlike all the others, having first de-
clared himself an accomplice in the crime which gave
rise to the present inquiry, in his confrontation with the
others, manifested an extraordinary weakness in endea-
vouring to give a new colouring to his expressions, by
interpreting his words in a different sense ; finally con-
victed, however, by the force of truth, he was obliged to
own the principal facts to be true, and that the obscure
words made use of by him on the examination, were
rightly to be understood against the person concerning
whom he used them. Zerezero was immediately consi-
dered guilty ; and he wished that his apprehension should
have the appearance of a surrender. See the declara-
tion of Don Tomas del Castillo, p. 47, packet 3 ; exa-
minations of Seiior Ascarate, and that of Don Rafael
Gouzedes, p. 40, ibid.

APPENDIX. Ie3l

Don Juan Bautista Morales has against him his gene-
ral character of republicanism, acquired by his publica-
tions. He confesses in his declaration, p. 46, packet 2,
that this is the form of government he most admires ;
this is not the first time he has rendered himself ob-
noxious to the suspicions of the officers intrusted with
the preservation of public tranquillity. He was one of
those to w^hom Oviedo was introduced, p. 5, packet 1,
as commissioner for the revolutionists of Puebla. He
was acquainted with that person's commission, attended
the meetings for the purpose of discussing it at Mier's
and Yturribarria's, as well as in the house of the honour-
able Santamaria. A witness, p. 7, packet 1, accuses him
of entertaining sanguinary views with regard to the
capital of the empire ; three others, pp. 68 and 83,
packet 2, and p. 7, packet 1, agree that he was one of
those who were to guide the public opinion by their
writings ; two, pp. 10, 11, and 14, packet 1, (Morales
and Oviedo,) heard him offer to send from Durango one
hundred or more armed troops, in aid of the revolution.

Don Tomas Castro denies every thing in his declara-
tion, pp. 17 and 18, packet 2 ; but it appears that he
propagated the report that the Emperor was about to
abolish the Congress, and reminded the officers of their
promise to support it : he confesses it, p. 60, packet 4 ;
and it is proved by Don Jose Rafael Andrade and Don
Juan de Dios Arzamendi, p. 59, ibid. According to
Oviedo, this was the mode employed to alarm and pre-
judice men's minds, so that when the plot should be
ripe, they might possess greater strength for the com-
pletion of the revolution. He was one of those who

K 2

132

APPENDIX.

knew of Oviedo's commission, as Oviedo and Zerezero
prove, p. 5, packet 1, p. 63, packet 2. Aware of the
object of the meetings, he was invited to one of them ;
he went, and acting with more caution than his accom-
plices, he requested that he should not be again sent for,
as his occupations would not allow him to attend ; but
he offered his person and services whenever they might
be considered useful (Oviedo, p. 7, packet 2 — Zerezero,
p. 64, packet 2.) He was present at the meeting in the
street of Trapaleros (Oviedo, p. 9, packet 1 — Anaya,
p. 85, packet 2— Yturribarria, p. 30, packet 4.) He was
to have seized on the Emperor's person (Oviedo, p. 6,
packet 1) ; he did not dare to execute it, from having no
points of support (Zerezero, p. 9, packet 1.) One wit-
ness accuses him (Oviedo, p. 11, packet 1) of having said
that he had made an arrangement with the artillery to
possess himself of the citadel ; and that when once the
republic was proclaimed, he reckoned upon fifteen hun-
dred men within Mexico, p. 67, packet 2 ; and Oviedo
cites, p. 61, packet 4, to Don Jose Joaquin Morales, who
was unable to make a declaration from being danger-
ously ill.

The cadet, Don Jose Joaquin Morales, wrote Zere-
zero's letter, p. 10, packet 1. Zerezero mentions it,
p. 66, packet 2, and Morales himself confesses it, pp. 60
and 61, packet 2. It is not yet understood whether he
had any other share in this business; but thus much is
sufficient to prove him acquainted with the whole plot, and
his silence places him among the number of accomplices.

Donna Antonia Villalba, wife of Don Agustin Galle-

APPENDIX. 133

gos, has been guilty of perjury in her declaration, p. 9,
packet 3 ; in her confrontation with Oviedo, p. 60,
packet 4, she belies herself, and confesses to having heard
her nephew speak of the project of a republic : she is,
therefore, an accomplice, as being privy to the conspiracy.

Don Ygnacio Sierra has two witnesses against him,
Gutierrez and Mayagoitia, pp. 100, packet 2, 61, packet
4, and 62, ibid. They accuse him of republicanism, and
of being a circulator of principles subversive of order ; he
confesses it in his confrontation, p. 62, excusing himself
through ignorance. He confesses plainly, and without
offering an excuse, to have spoken ill of the Emperor.

Joaquin Sires is a decided and enthusiastic apologist
of republicanism : this is proved by the depositions
of the Conde del Penasco, and the witnesses, Don
Paulino Samano, Don Juan Velez, Don Vicente
Bentensa, Don Domingo Hoyo, and Don Juan Jose Ma-
chado, p. 49, packet 2 ; document 2, 55 of the same,
34 and 36, packet 3. He bears a deadly hatred to the
Emperor, abhors the established government, and was
the ring-leader of the disturbances in the galleries of
the Congress.

Becerra appears to have been passive, but there are
four witnesses. La Madrid, Erdosain, Don J. J. Lopez
Romano, and Don Manuel Ovio del Campillo, pp. 96,
98, 100, and 102, packet 2, who condemn him as having
come hither on a commission, from the conspirators in
the vicinity of Valladolid, to acquire information con-
cerning the progress of the revolution, and transmit the
same to his constituents as opportunities presented.

134^ Appendix.

Don Jose Maria Bustamante, of Tehuacan, stands
convicted upon his own confession, p. 22, packet 1, of
being an agent of republicanism in the country where
he resided.

Against the other persons in custody, no crime can be
proved ; there are sufficient appearances to warrant their
detention as suspicious persons, and to justify the go-
vernment, on their liberation, to issue directions to the
chiefs and authorities to watch over their behaviour,
and not to lose sight of them.

Such is my report on the examinations taken up to
the present period. The tribunal, or judges, to whom
the report will be sent, to take the necessary legal mea-
sures till sentence be declared, may find in subsequent
examinations more abundant proofs of facts, concerning
which there are now but mere appearances ; and may
find further evidence of the criminality of those whom I
have considered as guilty.

In order that your Excellency may be enabled to give
his Majesty any explanation which he may require, with-
out occupying time in making extracts or reconciling
contradictions, I will relate to your Excellency in few
words, the origin, progress, and actual state of the re-
volution to the time of the imprisonments, which took
place at the end of August last. In Puebla, the idea of
overturning the government and converting the empire
into a republic, first began to gain ground.

Don Atenogenes Rojas, or Rojano, used his influence
with the troops of the garrison, in order to forward this

N

APPENDIX. 135

object. He had agents at different points, such as Te-
huacan, the Plains of Apan, Perote, Puente Imperial,
the Sierra de Perote, and Huamantla. The ramifica-
tions branched off to Tulancingo, Valladolid, Vera Cruz,
Durango, and the Eastern inland provinces. They
counted upon the inhabitants of many of these points,
and on the greater part of those who had been insur-
gents, together with some part of the army, infantry,
and cavalry, the artillery of the capital, and the major
part of the Congress. They relied on the information
of their emissaries, with respect to the national militia
and the insurgents ; and as to what they had to expect
from portions of the army, they relied on the opinion
which they had manifested in the papers laid before the
public; as, for instance, in the representation of the
11th regiment of cavalry, that of the 4th infantry, and
that styling itself " the artillery decidedly in favour of
the Congress." They founded their hopes of assistance
from the latter, on the circumstance that, in its public
discussions, republicanism had been mentioned with en-
thusiasm ; that allusions to that form of government
were heard with cheers by some, and were opposed by
few. They were also aware that the papers upon this sub-
ject had been well received by the people, which induced
them to rely upon the general opinion, and to believe
that the provinces, could not have elected, as deputies,
such w^ell-known republicans as Doctor Miers, Don Juan"
De Dios Mayorga, Don Juan Pablo Anaya, and others,
unless the electors had been of the same sentiments :
see the declaration of Zerezero, p. 65, packet 2. In
order to procure some funds, it was projected, that a
body of eighty or more men should attack the convoy

136 APPENDIX.

which was to set out from Mexico. This project was
frustrated by the timely detachment of a few troops to
the point fixed for the robbery. Fear dispersed the ban-
ditti, and they retired to watch for a better opportunity.
On the suggestion of an adjutant of the 11th cavalry, an
ensign of the 12th was sent to Mexico in order to find out
some men of science, experience, and tried sentiments,
from amongst whom a leader of the faction might be
chosen. Such men it was not diflftcult to meet with ;
Miers, Anaya, Morales, Yturribarria, Castro, and Zere-
zero were the parties fixed upon.

Anaya having been appointed the chief, they all ex-
erted themselves for the success of the enterprise : it
was already far advanced ; already the overthrow of
the government was boldly talked over, even in public
places. The first proclamation was proposed to be made
in Puebla and Perote, where it was said the greatest
strength of the party lay. They imagined they should
have an immediate disposable force of 4,600 men, at the
lowest calculation. -As soon as the proclamation was
made in the above places, the person of the Emperor
and those of his family were to have been seized upon.
With respect to the Emperor, there were some who looked
forward to his death, the fate, they said, that should
await all tyrants, p. 7, packet 1.; but the major part
were inclined to have the whole imperial family placed
at the disposal of the congress, who were to send them
out of the kingdom with a pension settled on them, but
never to be paid. A diet, for so they called it, was to
provide funds for the republican army, and to take other
measures in^ cases of urgency ; and in this posture of

\

APPENDIX. 137

affairs, counting on tlie opinion and sentiments of the con-
gress, they were to proclaim it in a state of liberty (sup-
posing it not to be so already), and to choose the govern-
ment best adapted for us, which would be republican,
since a majority in favour of it was fully depended on,
p. 65, packet 2. Mexico was not to be the place of go-
vernment, p. 83, packet 2, as these Catos considered
the population corrupted. We do not know when the
blow was to have been struck, but it is to be inferred that
it was arranged for the end of August, as nothing was
wanting to the plan but its execution. The project was
without unity or coherence ; it was formed unskilfully,
and the hopes entertained were for the most part chime-
rical, and all this through ignorance, and not for want
of disposition on the part of the conspirators. The plan
would never have produced the effect intended, but it
would have been productive of many evils attendant upon
such an insurrection, because it had in it no elements of
order. It is not to be denied that among the reformers
were men of talent, invention, and knowledge ; they
were the few, while the majority were utterly destitute of
all these advantages, and the whole of them were defi-
cient in that rectitude of intention, and in that expe-
rience so requisite for bringing such an affair to the con-
clusion which they contemplated. There was no rectitude
of intention, because the public good was not the point
aimed at; the basest of passions, envy, hatred, and am-
bition were their springs of action : one takes upon him
duties he is unable to fulfil, another attempts to lead the
opinion of the public by means of obsolete Gothic phrases,
which if we do not do him the favour of mistaking for
the ravings of insanity, we must believe to be the

138 APPENDIX.

offspring of a blind and extravagant ambition. Another,
for his maintenance, takes on him the ofRce of writing
papers, in order to cause a sort of prevarication in public
opinion. Another pretends to have obtained in distant
countries the first posts in the army, in order that for this
new service at least one step higher may be given him.
In truth, the whole of them are men who hazard nothing,
who have nothing to lose, and who seek to build up their
fortunes amid the ruin of their fellow-citizens, the de-
struction of thousands of families, and the blood of those
innocent persons who might unhappily be prevailed upon
to yield to the delusive attractions that would be held
out to them. What opinion can be formed, what hopes
entertained of ungrateful men, who begin by seeking
the death of him who gave them liberty, and by concert-
ing the banishment of the family of that very individual
who sacrificed every thing to free his country from a fo-
reign yoke ? What expectations can be entertained of
minds so superficial, as to reckon on the overthrow of an
empire with the co-operation of whole provinces, solely
because a foreigner lately arrived here says so ? If they
had at all fathomed the matter, and acquainted them-
selves with the weakness of the intelligence received,
they would have found that those provinces on which
they depended were reduced to half a dozen men of per-
verse character, without influence, without talent, and
without fortune, who might be followed by a hundred
miserable wretches, ruined, and accustomed to pillage,
who, too indolent to gain their livelihood by labour, are
indifferent whether they join a band of revolutionists or
a band of robbers. What expectations could have been
conceived of men who imagine whole bodies of troops to

APPENDIX. 1;j9

be at their disposal, merely because they see some public
paper written by individuals not belongini^ to the rcg;[-
ment, si.^ned by some giddy youths inflamed with the
vanity of authorship, forgetful of their duty as mili-
tary men, and giving the rein to licentiousness ? What
could have been expected of men who reckoned on form-
ing an army of private citizens, spread over an immense
expanse of territory, and employed in their different
avocations, without possessing arms wherewith to pro-
vide them, — without having consulted their wishes, —
without having engaged even one emissary to dispose
and unite them ? What could have been expected of
men who believed that the congress was republican,
because some of its deputies might have given proofs
of being inclined that way ; who consider that all
those provinces are of republican principles which have
elected deputies who are so ; without recollecting the
mode in which those elections were carried on ; and
how men of intrigue, with a moderate capacity, can
contrive to obtain the votes of men of simplicity,
though sound in principle ? How . . . . ? If I should
suffer my pen to run on I should scarcely say any
thing new, or which every body is not aware of; but
there are things of which it may not be proper for
me to speak. In a word, I repeat that the project was
founded on a chimerical basis ; that its authors wished,
but could not, give it shape; and that, but for the vigi-
lance of government, the most terrifying anarchy would
have been the result with which we should have been
favoured by these patriots.

Let me be allowed now to make some reflections on

140 APPENDIX.

the ordinary causes of revolutions in every country,
applying them to our own. The restless people is al-
ways fond of novelty. In times of revolution after a
government is fixed upon, there are many men without
employment or without that to which they looked for-
ward ; this is the time when the passions become most
agitated, and if at such a period a constitution be not
immediately granted, securing the punctual discharge
of their pay to the civil and military functionaries, clearly
marking out the limits and powers of the different autho-
rities, preserving harmony between them, and taking
away all cause of complaint from the people ; there are
always to be found men of perverse characters ready to
take advantage of such circumstances in order to produce
commotion, and embarrassed and discontented persons
who innocently follow them, and rush forward to sacrifice
themselves to the perversity of a few. In this state is
Mexico at this moment, and whilst it so continues, the
public tranquillity is not for a moment secure. There are
no finances, and those who depend on them, as well as
the other classes of society who gain by the circulation of
them, are well acquainted with the reasons why there
are none. There is no civil liberty because the powers of
the authorities are not defined ; and further, because we
have no constitution. That of Spain was sworn to, but
it is impaired by degrees every day, and no other is sub-
stituted for it, which is the same thing as if we had no
fundamental laws, and were dependent on the will of a
body of men ; and the despotism of such a bodyis more
to be feared than that of the sultan.

There is no police, — there are no courts of justice, —

APPENDIX. lil

and man, by the corruption of his nature is always prone
to crime, when he sees the probability of acting with
impunity.

I do not enlarge further from a wish not to distract
any longer the attention of your Excellency. I am fully
aware that even the little I have said will acquire me a
thousand enemies ; but it is of no importance to me if I
should become a victim for having spoken the truth
when I found an occasion to speak it ; and I shall be
happy if the sacrifice to which I expose myself and my
family, produce to the community to which I belong this
good effect, that the ruling party may reflect upon the
situation of the country, and preserve it from anarchy,
bloodshed, and many years of mourning and misfortune.

In what 1 have stated, I have had no other ol>joct in
view than the general good ; and confining myself to my
opinion respecting the persons in custody, Heaven pre-
serve me from being confounded with the greater part
of those Jiscals, whose boast it is to find out crimes where
there are none.

As to punishments I have said nothing, considering
my commission not to have extended so far. The judges
in due time will award them.

Your Excellency will be pleased to submit this report
to the consideration of his Majesty, and excuse me if I
have not executed my charge so well, or so promptly as

142 APPENDIX.

might have been desired, and as the confidence placed in
me demanded.

May God preserve your Excellency, S^c.

Mexico, September 30th, 1822.

Francisco de Paula Alvarez.

To His Excellency the Minister of
Relations y Don Manuel de Herrera,

No. IX.

CREDENTIALS OF THE DEPUTIES TO CORTES.

In the city of the day of 1822,

and second of independence. — In the chapter-hall of the
municipality in full council assembled, consisting of the
individuals summoned ante diem, viz., D. and N.,
D. N. 8^'C., under the presidency of the polilical chief
D. N., or the Senor Alcalde D. N., the provincial
electors IJ. N., D. N., SiC, being assembled, together
with the municipality, they declared before me, the
under-signed secretary, that the Sovereign Junta having
ordered the cortes to be convoked, and the rules being
established whereby the elections should be regulated,
it directed for the purpose of carrying those rules into
effect that there should be a total renewal of the muni-

i

APPENDIX. 1 1-3

cipalities of all the cities and towns, according; to
the regulation which is laid down. This order having
been obeyed in the several divisions (partidos) of this
province ; the citizens of all classes, without distinction,
and according to the plan of Iguala, proceeded to confer
upon the municipalities the necessary powers ; consider-
ing also that they have a right to name an individual out
of their own body as elector of *' Partido,'' who, in con-
junction with those of his class in the municipality,
might elect a provincial elector, in whose hands they
should deposit the national right conferred on tliem.
This having been done, and in virtue thereof all the
electors of the province of Mexico being assembled, they
named for first deputy to the constituent cortes of the
empire, D. N., out of the twenty-eight whom it belongs
to them of right to nominate ; and to him they transfer
their faculties and the powers conferred on them by the
citizens which compose the towns and divisions, (parti-
dos,) by means of their respective municipalities ; they
confer on him the same powers as they have conferred
on the other provincial deputies collectively and indi-
vidually, in order to execute the highly important duties
of his office, and in order that in conjunction with the
other deputies of cortes representing the Mexican na-
tion, all its kingdoms, provinces, districts, cities, towns,
congregations, w^ards, missions, estates and citizens, of
all classes, without distinction, might confer upon and
resolve what they may conceive to be conducive to the
general good ; and thus employing the power in them
vested, they might constitute the government of the em-
pire upon the fundamental basis of the plan of Iguala
and the treaty of Cordova; establishing the absolute

144

APPENDIX.

separation of the legislative power, the executive, and
the judicial, so that they may never be united in one
sole person. And the constituents promise both for
themselves and in the name of all the citizens of this
province, in virtue of the powers vested in them as
electors named for the purpose, to hold as valid, to obey
and fulfil such decrees as they may issue in their capacity
of deputies to cortes, and as constituents of the govern-
ment of the Mexican nation. And in the same
manner they bind the citizens of the province, of all its
cities, towns, S^c, to obey them so far as they order and
determine, respecting the constitution which they may
establish as the fundamental law of the empire.

Thus they have expressed and granted, ordering that
this credential of the election should be given to S. DN. ;
and the political chief and two regidors have signed,
the same together with myself, as witnesses.

No. X.

Copy of the form of Oath taken by the Deputies to Cortes
at the solemn ceremony which preceded the installa-
tion of the Co7igress.

A crucifix and the holy gospels, being placed upon a
portable altar, in the middle of the sanctuary, and the
priest and deacons remaining standing at the foot of

APPENDIX. 145

the vestibule, the body of canons occupied the lateral
seats,

Then the four most excellent secretaries of state an<l
the three of the Sovereign Junta standing-, received the
oath of the deputies as they arrived by two and two in
the following form : —

Do you swear to preserve and defend the Roman
Catholic Apostolic religion, without admitting any other
into the empire ?

Yes ; I swear.

Do you swear religiously to keep, and cause to bd
kept, the independence of the Mexican nation ?

Yes ; I swear.

Do you swear to form the political constitution of the
Mexican nation upon the fundamental basis of the Plan
of Iguala and the treaty of Cordova, sworn to by the
nation ; bearing yourself well and faithfully in the exer-
cise of the power conferred by the nation upon you ;
seeking in every thing its greatest prosperity, and esta-
blishing the absolute separation of the legislative, ex-
ecutive, and judicial powers, so that they may never be
united in one sole person or corporation ?

Yes ; I swear.

If thus you may, let the eternal and almighty God
assist you ; and if not, his Divine Majesty and the nation
shall demand it of vou.

L

14^6

APPENDIX,

No. XL

ACT OF CASA MATA.

The generals of divisions, chiefs of corps, officers of
the staff, and also one chosen from every class of the
army* being assembled at the quarters of the Com-
mander-in-Chief to treat upon the capture of the town
of Vera Cruz, and of the dangers which threatened the
country for want of a national representation, (the sole
bulwark of civil liberty,) after having fully deliberated
upon the means of promoting its happiness, unanimously
agreed to the following articles : —

Art. 1. It being undoubted that the sovereignty re-
sides essentially in the people, the Congress is to be in-
stalled as soon as possible.

Art. 2. The convocatorias of the new cortes, shall be
framed upon the same bases as the previous one.

Art. 3. Considering that among the deputies who
formed the late Congress, there were some who by their
liberal ideas, and firmness of character, gained the pub-
lic esteem, whilst others did not duly correspond to the
confidence placed in them, the provinces have full au-
thority to re-elect the former, and to substitute for the

* All this grand parade consisted of only two thousand and odd men]

APPENDIX. 147

latter persons more adequate to the fulfilment of their
arduous duties*.

Art. 4. As soon as the representatives of the nation
shall be assembled, they will fix their residence in such
city or town as they may consider most convenient in
order to commence their sessions.

Art. 5. The corps which compose this army, and
those which hereafter may enter into it, must solemnly
ratify the oath to support, at all risks, the national re-
presentation.

Art. 6. The commanders, officers, and troops, who
are not disposed to sacrifice themselves for the good of

* Amongst other absurdities committed by the chiefs and officers, who
formed this act, they fell into that of arrogating to themselves the attri-
butes of sovereignty, in all the extent of that word. As if they should
confer a favour on the provinces, they tell to them, that they shall have
full power to re-elect certain deputies whom they name, and they assume
all the authority of legislators ; by ordering that other deputies should
be re-elected in place of those with respect to whom they have made
themselves judges, and whom, without the least formality and without any
right, they condemned ; depriving them even of the privileges of
citizenship, which must be understood by their not being capable of re-
election, and by the declaration of their not hating corresponded to the
confidence reposed in them. Had this been said by one or many un-
aided by physical strength, they would have been condenmed to death,
but it was said by soldiers with arms in their hands, and therefore their
will was law. Now, if law be strength, then I see no reason for so
much declamation against tyranny, nor for the eulogies lavished on
liberal systems ; and still less that an army should be hailed as liberators
which commences by doing violence to the public will. Let us, there-
fore, allow that passion is always the same, and that (as was remarked
by a philosopher) ages and events are contained one within another, as
trees are in their seeds. Of the present occurrences going on at
Mexico, it cannot be difficult to foresee what must be the result ere long.

T 2

us

APPENDIX.

the country, are at liberty to remove whithersoever they
please.

Art. 7. A commission shall be named, which shall
proceed with copies of this act, to the capital, and place
it in the hands of his Majesty the Emperor.

Art. 8. Another commission shall proceed with a copy
to Vera Cruz, to make known to the governor and corpo-
rations there, the movements which have been made by
the army, and to see whether they adhere to it or not.

Art. 9. Another commission shall proceed, for the
like purpose, to the chiefs dependent upon this Army,
now besieging the bridge, and in the towns*.

Art. 10. In the interim until the supreme government
send its answer, the provincial deputation of this pro-
vince shall deliberate respecting the administrative
part of the government, if that step should meet its
approbation ,

Art. 11. The army will never make any attempt
against the person of the Emperor, as it considers him
decided in favour of the national representation. The
army will take up its quarters in such towns as circum-
stances may require ; and it shall not separate upon any
account, without the consent of the Sovereign Congress,
seeing that it is the only support upon which the Con-
gress has to depcTid in its deliberations.

Head-Quarters, Casa Mat a,
\st February, 1823.

* The towns of Jalapa, Oriava, and Cordova.

Appendix. 149

No. XII.

OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF RELATIONS

The Secretary of His Majesty has addressed to me the
following Official Document, dated this day.

Most Excellent Sir,

The Emperor commands me to inform your Excel-
lency, in order that you may apprize the Sovereign Con-
gress hereof. 1st. That as that body has been acknow-
ledged as the national representativeby the Junta of Pue-
bla, and the troops who have signed the actof CasaMata,
no motive any longer exists for those divisions which for
some days we have experienced ; that there is no longer
any reason why His Imperial Majesty should retain in
the capital and its vicinity, the Troops who chose to fol-
low him, and that neither the person of the Emperor,
nor the rank with which the nation invested him, ought
to be an obstacle against realizing the plans which are
deemed most conducive to the happiness of the country.

2d. That he accepted the crown, thus making the
greatest of all sacrifices, because he was persuaded that by
this act, he gave the most convincing testimony to the
nation of being entirely devoted to its service. He
had already exposed his life, his honour, his family, and
his fortune for it, and afterwards his liberty, his tran-
quillity, and even the love of the people ; the only re-

150 APPENDIX.

compense he sought, he also sacrificed, for he was not
unaware that he would lose all by ascending the throne.
Such being the case, he sought only for an opportunity
to descend from it, and no opportunity has offered itself
more favourable than the present; when, by resigning
the reigns of government, he prevents at least his name
from being used as a pretext for a civil war, and its train
of attendant evils. From the moment that he foresaw the
result of those causes, to which the origin of the present
circumstances may be traced, he resolved to abdicate a
crown which weighed so heavily upon him, and he only
delayed this act until a competent authority generally
recognised, should be established. Such is the Congress,
and to it he delivers the Executive Power which he exer-
cises, and makes an absolute abdication.

3d. That as the presence in the Empire of the Em-
peror might, when he ceases to be such, serve as
a pretext for a thousand movements which would be
attributed to him, although he is sure that he never would
take part in them ; in order to avoid persecution, repel
all suspicion from himself, and evil from the nation, he
will voluntarily expatriate himself, and in a foreign land,
he will hear with happiness of the prosperity of his coun-
try, or deplore the misfortunes which fate may have
prepared for her.

4th. Twelve or fifteen days will be sufficient for him
to arrange his domestic concerns, and prepare to take
his family with him.

5th. Notwithstanding the allowances which were

APPENDIX. 151

made him, first as Admiral in Chief, and subsequently
as Emperor, the state of the Exchequer and the necessity
of supporting the troops and the civil functionaries, (con-
siderations always paramount to those of his own
person,) prevented him from receiving more than a por-
tion of the other funds assigned him* ; at the same
time it was necessary for him to live, and give to autho-
rity some part at least of that importance which is
every where attributed to it, and he was therefore obliged
to contract some debts with his friends, which however,
are not of a great amount f ; still his credit is pledged,
and he hopes that the nation will think proper to dis-
charge them.

I hope your Excellency will be pleased to apprize me
of the determination of the Sovereign Congress.

God preserve your Excellency many years.

Alvarez.
Tacubaya.y 20th March, 1823.

His Excellency the Minister
of Affairs.

I communicate this to your Excellencies, in order that
you may ay it before the Sovereign Congress.

Jose del Valle.
Mexico, 20th March, 1823.

To the Most Excellent Deputies, Secretaries,
of the Sovereign Congress.

* It was no more than 45,0000 dollars in throe years of ronimand ;
two-fifths of which, at least, were spent in behalf of the same nation,
and of several citizens,

t One hundred and fifty thousand dollars.

152 APPENDIX.

No. XIIL

ITURBIDE'S FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE
MEXICAN NATION.

Honourable Deputies, — ^The expression of truth never
yet offended delicacy, nor the most punctilious sense of
decorum ; neither would an honest man ever hear it
with displeasure. In the palace or in the cottage, it
always honours those who declare it, and not less those
who listen to it.

As I am on the eve of my departure, I deem it my duty
to speak openly to the nation, through you its represen-
tatives. He who ascends a throne does not therefore
cease to be a man, and error is in the inheritance of
}nankind. Monarchs are not to be looked upon as infal-
lible; on the contrary, they are more excusable in their
/aults, or crimes as some would characterize them, if
such a contradiction coincide with the principle of the
day. I repeat, their errors are the more excusable be-
cause, being placed in the centre of every movement, in
the point towards which all interests are directed, or what
is the same thing, the point at which all the passions of
men meet in conflict ; their attention divided among an
innumerable multitude of objects ; their minds fluctuate
between truth and falsehood ; candour and hypocrisy,
friendship and self interest, flattery and patriotism, all
use one language, all present themselves before thePrince
under the same appearance. — He may sincerely wish to
act for the best, and that very wish may precipitate him
into the very reverse. The philosopher, however, takes
refuge in his conscience, and though he may be doomed

APPENDIX. 153

to suffer, yet remorse is unknown to him. Unfortu-
nately the best intentioned advice does not always, when
acted up to, produce the desired result. Those whose
counsels I followed, respecting the most important mea-
sures, persuaded me that the happiness of the country
required me to do what I have done ; and to which acts re-
sults are attributed that in any other case would have
been the same, with this difference only, that the true or
apparent cause (time will decide which,) would have been
weakness in the one case, and despotism in the other.
Miserable is the condition of him who cannot do right ;
still more miserable the fate of him, who is conscious of
his impotence. Men are not just towards their contempo-
raries ; it is necessary to appeal to the judgment of
posterity, because the passions die with the heart that
sheltered them.

Much is said of public opinion, and of the violence of
its development; we always err hastily and ascertain the
truth but slowly. Opinion has its crucible (crisor) ; its
effects are not ephemeral, and this convinces me that
we cannot yet ascertain what is the public opinion of the
Mexicans, because either they have none, or have not
yet manifested it. In the space of twelve years, one
might count as many public opinions which were at
least reputed to be such.

Altercations commenced — I forsaw their result, but
could not control the effects of fate. I was obliged to
appear either as a weak man, or a despot ; I preferred
the former, nor do I regret it. I know that I am not so.
I lessened the evils which threatened the people, and

\54f APPENDIX.

raised up a dyke which resisted torrents of blood. The
satisfaction arising from having done this is my reward.

I am not ignorant of the predilection which is enter-
tained for my person in different places, nor can I doubt
of it after receiving such convincing testimonies. Nei-
ther am I ignorant, that by fomenting the spirit of dis-
cord, and hastening the progress of that anarchy which
threatens the nation, the towns which are now suf-
fering all the horrors of disunion, would express
different wishes, and declare themselves in a decided
manner.

But my system never shall be that of discord. I look
upon anarchy with horror ; I detest its fatal influence,
and wish for union as the only source of the welfare of
a country in which I was born, and which for so many
reasons must be ever dear to my heart.

The plan which I selected to terminate dissensions,
was one of peace and harmony, of order and tranquil-
lity ; regardless of my own person, I looked only to the
good of the nation ; and consented to any sacrifices, in
order that the people should be called upon to make
none. I endeavoured to prevent the revolution from as-
suming the character of a physical re-action, which is
always sanguinary ; and that every movement should
first be indicated by the people, and executed with
prudence by the authorities.

I sent commissioners to Jalapa, to treat in a confiden-
tial and amicable njanner with the generals and chiefs

APPENDIX. 155

of the army, and if possible to bring to a peaceful ter-
mination the differences which had taken place. I sub-
mitted to the deliberation of the Instituent Junta, the
points which still impeded the conclusion of a negotia-
tion of the last importance. I decreed the re-establish-
ment of the Congress, as soon as I was apprized, first
by the commissioners and afterwards by the deputation
of this province, that the re-instatement of the body
which had before existed was conformable to the wishes
of the majority, as well as to those of the generals and
chiefs. I restored it as soon as I knew that there were
a sufficient number of deputies in Mexico to form it.
Upon the day of its restoration, I made known to it
that I was ready to make any sacrifice that the real wel-
fare of the nation required. I left it to choose (as was
just) the place of its meeting, and again repeated my
desire to conform to what might be the general will
of the nation, and Congress which represents it. I
proposed that if, for its greater liberty and security, it
should wish all the troops to retire, that wish should be
decisive, and the Congress might deliberate without
being surrounded by arms. I informed it through the
proper channel, that if the measures already taken for
its security and liberty were not thought sufficient, that
it should suggest what measures might still be consi-
dered requisite, and the government would provide for
their execution. I abdicated the crown, declaring that
if that was the origin of dissensions, I did not desire to
impede the happiness of the people. — I added, that when
this point should be decided I would banish myself from
America, and fix my residence and that of my family
in a foreign land, where, far from Mexico, it could not

156 APPENDIX.

be imagined that any influence of mine miglit embar-
rass the progress of this great community. I declared
that whilst the question of my abdication was under-
going discussion, I would retire from the capital, thus
furnishing one more proof of my desire that the Cqft^'
gress should have full liberty in such an important^
discussion.

I requested that the Congress should commission some
individuals from its own body, to treat with the gene-
rals of the army, after hearing them and me, upon the
decency and decorum of the manner in which I should
retire. I refused to avail myself of the permission which
was given me to select the five hundred men who were
appointed as my personal escort. 1 myself proposed that
General Don Nicolas Bravo, who deserves the confidence
of the public, should be the commander of that escort.
I have anxiously sought that looking to my measures,
attending to all my words and actions, the people whe-
ther they advance towards happiness or misery, may at
least not think that their fate has been influenced by
me.

The necessity of any further sacrifice has not presentejd
itself to my recollection ; but if within the range of pos-
sibility, there be any other which the welfare of the
nation requires, I am ready to make it.

I love the country in which I was born, and believe
that I shall leave to my children a name more solidly
glorious by sacrificing myself for it, than by command-
ing the i)eople from the dangerous eminence of a throne.

APPENDIX. 157

I quit the country with all my family. Before taking
my departure I was desirous of unfolding the plan of my
government, and the sentiments of my soul. I knew
that this rich portion of America ought not to be subject
to Castile. I imagined such was the will of the nation,
and therefore supported its rights, and proclaimed its
independence ; I have laboured in its government, and
abdicate the crown if such abdication may be conducive
to its happiness.

The Congress is now the first authority, which is to
give a direction to the movements of the people.

If that body arrive at the object of its wishes with-
out shedding the blood of individuals : — If united round
one common centre it shall put an end to discord and
divisions : if governed by wise laws, raised upon a solid
basis, the people shall be secured in the enjoyment of
their rights, and undisturbed by convulsions, they shall
icibour in opening and cleansing the sources of public
wealth ; — If under the protection of a government, which
imposes no restriction on the individual interest of agri-
culturists, artisans, and merchants, they shall all become
opulent, or at least be raised above poverty ; if the king-
dom of Mexico rejoicing in the happiness of its children,
shall at length reach the station it ought to hold amongst
the nations; I shall be the first admirer of the wis-
dom of the Congress, I shall enjoy the happiness of my
country, and go down cheerfully to my grave.

AUOUSTIN.

29th March, 1823,

LONDON :
PRINTED BV VVJLLIAM CLOWES,
Northumberlaiul court.

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